4 This institution (precursor of the University) had been founded in 1815, and largely supported by Non-Subscribers, to provide higher education (especially for students for the ministry), for which it had hitherto been necessary to resort to Glasgow or elsewhere abroad.
8 Cf. Christian Reformer, ix, N. S. (1842), 181–183, 243–247, 306–316, 377–382; Thomas S. James, History of the Litigation and Legislation respecting Presbyterian Chapels and Charities in England and Ireland (London, 1867), pp. 391–480; Irish Equity Reports (Dublin, 1845), vii, 612–619; The Jurist (London, 1851), xiv, part i, 137–142; Mew's Digest of English Case Law, ed. 2 (London, 1925), 130 ff.
9 v. infra, Ms p. 701. Early in the course of the Remonstrant Synod its adherents were drawn into religious controversy, not with the General Synod, from which it was now separated, but with a clergyman of the established Church. Early in 1834 the Rev. Daniel Bagot of the Anglican Church at Belfast issued a challenge to the Rev. John Scott Porter, minister o£ the First Church (now Unitarian), for a public debate on the Trinity and the Deity of Christ. Conditions were precisely drawn, and the questions at issue carefully stated. The debate was held in the First Church on four successive days, and was to be based strictly upon the teaching of Scripture. The debate was held before crowded houses, and as such things go was orderly and free from offensive speech. Cf. Authentic Report of the Discussion on the Unitarian Controversy between the Rev. John Scott Porter and the Rev. Daniel Bagot (Belfast, 1834).
18 Cf. Turner, Eminent Unitarians, ii, 215, n.; Monthly Repository, vi (1811), 193–204; xix (1824), 241 f. In 1794he removed to Glasgow and took charge of a Unitarian congregation there, but in the following year he emigrated to America and eventually settled at Northumberland near Dr. Priestley, whose theological works he annotated.
24The items were: Wardlaw, Discourses on the Principal Points of the Socinian Controversy (Glasgow, 1814; Yates, Vindication of Unitarianism (London, 1815); Wardlaw, Unitarian Incapable of Vindication (London, 1816); Yates, Sequel to A Vindication of Unitarianism (Liverpool, 1817). The whole controversy extensively reviewed in Monthly Repository, xii (1817), 292–299, 364–369, 412–416.
25Cf. John Gordon, ‘George Harris, a Memoir,’ Christian Reformer, xvi, N. S. (1860), 1255–738, passim. Harris was an intrepid champion of the Unitarian cause, perhaps the most remarkable preacher it has ever had, for his persuasive eloquence, his tireless labors in the field, his equally tireless pen, and his zealous activity in every cause that sought human betterment and completer freedom in politics or in social reform. After an earnest ministry in the North of England, he declined a highly flattering call from London, and chose a humbler field with greater opportunities of service at Glasgow, where he had a conspicuous ministry of sixteen years (1825–1840) and was known to the orthodox as "the Devil's Chaplain." He was the chief originator of the Scottish Unitarian Association, and the editor of two useful periodicals, the Christian Pioneer and the Christian Pilot. His last ministry was at Newcastle, where, worn out by his labors, he died in 1859, aged 65.
26 Even earlier than this the Rev. Thomas Evans (1764–1833), probably the first in Wales to adopt and preach Unitarianism of the Priestley type, built in 1795 at Cwm Cothi a chapel in the interest of Unitarianism, and had already published in 1792 the first Welsh Unitarian sermon. This movement did not survive, but its influence probably affected that in Cardiganshire above referred to. Mr. Evans was later minister of the Old Meeting House, Aberdare (1821–33). Cf. Monthly Repository, xii(1817), 740–745.
29 There is as yet in English no history of Unitarianism in Wales. Many valuable historical articles are said to be scattered through the files of Yr Ymofynnydd mentioned above, but their language makes them a sealed book to the present writer. Material used here has been taken largely from unpublished manuscripts by the late Rev. Rees Jenkin Jones of Aberdare and the Rev. T. Oswald Williams of Lampeter; from articles by Jones in the Inquirer (London) from 1898 to 1909, passim; articles in the Unitarian-Herald (London), 1876–77 passim; and from George Eyre Evans, The Lloyd Letters (Aberystwith, 1908).
33 The College at Hackney was established in 1786 with high expectations, to supply the place of Warrington, Exeter and Hoxton, which had lately been dissolved; but its plan was defective, it soon ran into a crushing debt, unruly students disgraced it, and the College was closed in 1796. Cf. Herbert McLachlan, `The Old Hackney College,' U. H. S. (London), iii (1925), 185–205; Thomas Belsham, The Character of the Christian Teacher delineated (London, 1804). Cf. Belsham, Life of Lindsey, pp. 280–285; Williams, Life of Belsham, pp. 446–453.
34 He had in the meantime been strongly urged (1797) to become Divinity Tutor at the new Manchester Academy, which had succeeded that at Warrington; but though strongly tempted he had resolved to quit the teacher's desk for the pulpit. Cf. Williams, op. cit., pp. 479–482.
40 William Wilberforce, A Practical View of the Prevailing Religious System, etc. (London, 1798). The author was prominent in philanthropy, and later became distinguished in the movement for the abolition of slavery. His son was later Bishop of Oxford.
42 He was at this time a young minister of twenty-four, a recent convert from Calvinism. Born a General Baptist, and educated in Scotland for the ministry, he was by native instinct liberal, and began his ministry with the General Baptists on the Isle of Wight. Active in the formation of the Southern Unitarian Society in 1801, and its Secretary, he came to know Belsham; and as editor of the Monthly Repository, and later of the Christian Reformer, he cooperated with him in the general organizations, and became an active and influential leader of the Unitarians second only to Belsham himself. Cf. Aspland, Memoir.
43 Vidler was a minister of humble origin, but with great native abilities and force of character. Without the advantage of early education he had by wide reading so improved his natural talents that he became a preacher of exceptional power. He had had a varied religious experience, being successively Anglican, Independent, Baptist and Universalist, and in 1802 Unitarian. He was now an acknowledged leader of the Universalists, who were attracting considerable attention in England, and was preacher to their congregation in Parliament Court, Artillery Lane, until 1815. It was here that Aspland came to know him. He had published first the Universalists’ Miscellany,(1797–1802), and upon becoming Unitarian changed its title to Universal Theological Magazine (1802–03), and then to Universal Theological Magazine and Impartial Review (0804–05, cf. ‘Memoir of William Vidler’ (with frontispiece portrait) by Richard Wright, Monthly Repository, xii (1817), 65–72, 129–136, 193–200; Aspland, Memoir, pp. r187–189.
44 At the end of 1826 it was deemed that the Repository might be made more useful to the denominational cause if placed under the management of a committee of the recently formed British and Foreign Unitarian Association, and the Association bought out Aspland's rights. The new management was a disappointment, and after five years the Rev. W. J. Fox from being editor became owner. With the Second Series the journal became less denominational and more and more the organ of religious and political radicalism. Cf. the exhaustive study by Mineka, Dissidence, and an appreciation of Aspland's services as editor by Richard Wright, in Monthly Repository, xxi (1826), 718–722. Aspland also edited, 1815–44, the Christian Reformer, at first designed to be more practical and better suited to a humbler class of readers. With the enlarged New Series (1834–45) it succeeded the Repository as representing the Unitarians.
45 Cf. Aspland, Memoir, pp. 192–198; Monthly Repository, iii, N. S. (1829), 357 f;(David Eaton), ‘An Address to Unitarian Congregations,’ Universal Theological Magazine, N. S. iv (1805), 127, cf. 200–202, 258–260;David Eaton, ‘Account of the Rise and Progress of the Unitarian Fund,’ Monthly Repository, xx (1825), 337–340, 479–483; Robert Aspland, ‘Biographical Sketch of David Eaton,’ Christian Reformer, xv (1829), 227–235; ibid., 345–348,Mrs. Cappe's Letter about him.
53 Cf. John Ashworth, Account of the Rise and Progress of the Unitarian Doctrine in the societies at Rochdale, Newchurch in Rossendale, and other places, formerly in connexion with the late Rev. Joseph Cooke (Rochdale, 1817); Christian Examiner, ix(183o), 857; Herbert McLachlan, The Methodist Unitarian Movement (Manchester, 1919).
56 Cf. Herbert McLachlan, Nonconformist Library, pp. 152–183, ‘The Christian Brethren Movement’; John Relly Beard, Unitarianism Exhibited (London, 1846), pp. 165–171; ‘Antitrinitarian Churches in connection with Joseph Barker,’ by F. Howorth; Travers Madge: on Christian Brethren, Christian Reformer, N. S. iii(1847), 501–503; Life of Joseph Barker written by himself (London, 1880).
59 The New Testament, in an improved version, upon the basis of Archbishop Newcome's New Translation, published by the Unitarian Book Society, etc. (London, 1808). Elaborate Review (by Lant Carpenter) in Monthly Repository, iv (1809), 97, 152, 216, 274, 384. Hostile review in Quarterly Review; answered by Belsham, Monthly Repository, iv (1809), 373–382, 415–429.
64 It was entitled, An Act to relieve persons who impugn the Doctrine of the Holy Trinity from certain Penalties. 53Geo. III, c. 160. It was passed July 14, 1813, on the twenty-second anniversary of the Birmingham Riots! Text of the Act in Monthly Repository, viii (1813), 543. Royal Assent was given on July 21. The Scottish Blasphemy Acts were also repealed.
71 A famous series of endowed lectures in the field of Christian apologetics, given at Oxford annually from 1780 on. Cf. Charles A. Moysey, The Doctrines of Unitarians Examined and Opposed to the Church of England (Oxford, 1818).
73 Mention should here be made of Magee's Discourses and Dissertations on the Scriptural Doctrines of Atonement and Sacrifice (London, 1801; ed. 4, 1816); reviewed in Monthly Repository, ix(1814), 417–424; cf. Belsham's criticism ibid., viii (813), 489–501. Answered by Lant Carpenter, Examination of the Charges made against Unitarians and Unitarianism, and the Improved Version, by the Right Rev. Dr. Magee, Bishop of Raphoe (Bristol, 1820); cf. Monthly Repository, xvi (1821), 109–112, 169 ff. It is in the writings of this period that the Anti-Unitarian controversy reaches its lowest level.
76 When Belsham became a Unitarian in 1789, there were but two congregations of avowed, Unitarians in England (Essex Street, London, and New Meeting, Birmingham); by 1810 there were 20; and by 1825 over 200, besides 12 in Scotland and 34 in Wales.
8 An Appeal to the Serious Professors of the Church of England (n. p., 1820);reprinted, York, 1822; cf. Christian Reformer, vii (1821), 169–178, 194–202, 238–246. Cf. Charles Wellbeloved, Memoir of Thomas Thrush, Esq. (London, 1845).
10 For accounts of the rise, growth and decline of this mission, cf. William Roberts, Letters to Belsham, Rees and Fox (London, 1818–23); also in Christian Reformer, iv, v,vii, viii (1818–22); and in appendix to Monthly Repository, xix, xx(1824–25), Unitarian Fund Register, nos. iv, v, vii; and in British and Foreign Unitarian Association Reports, 1826–56, passim. Modest support was still given to work in Madras for some years, but it never achieved more than a very limited success.
11 Cf. Monthly Repository, xiii(1818), 299–301; xv (1820), 1–7; Sophia D. Collet, Life and Letters of Rajah Rammohun Roy, ed. Hem Chandra Sarkar (Calcutta, 1914); Mary Carpenter, The Last Days in England of the Rajah Rammohun Roy (London, 1875); The English Works of Rajah Rammohun Roy, ed. J. C. Ghose (Calcutta, 1885).
17 Cf. (Henry Ware, ed.), Correspondence relative to the Prospects of Christianity and the means of promoting its Reception in India (Cambridge, Mass., 1824).For accounts ofthe Unitarian mission in India, see also appendix to First Report ofthe British and Foreign Unitarian Association (London, 1826).
18 Cf. Monthly Repository, iii,N. S. (1829), 447. The English finally closed out their venture in Calcutta in 1843,though they later cooperated with the Americans in missionary work there. Some twenty years later Adam, who had now removed to America, became first minister of a new Unitarian church at Toronto, which was aided by ,£100 from the proceeds of the abandoned Calcutta mission.
24 Cf. F. Kenworthy, ‘A Unitarian Chapel in Paris,’ U. H. S. (London), vi (I937), 205–212; Christian Reformer, xviii (1832), 46 f. Not long after the discontinuance of this English church a French Unitarian church arose, much regret being expressed at the untimely end of the other. The cause progressed rapidly, especially in the Vendee, and a numerous society was formed at Nantes where a church was opened in 1834, and a journal was published, Le Reformateur, Journal Religieuse consacrée au developpement de la doctrine de 1’Église Française et de Christianisme Unitaire. This Église Catholique Française was in many of its outward forms and usages a reformed Catholic church, but with an ultra-Unitarian theology which the English Unitarians of the time did not much approve, and it presently discarded the Unitarian name (cf. the similar case a century or more later of the Iglesia Independiente in the Philippines). Cf. Christian Reformer, ii,N. S. (1835), 245, 325; iii, 137–144, 737 f
31 Cf. The Case of the Body of Protestant Dissenting Ministers of the Presbyterian Denomination, etc. (London, 1837); Christian Reformer, iii, N. S. (1836), 276,351,422,478; iv (1837), 19–37, 90–107, 645 f.
32 The two series were collected and published in stately volumes entitled, Unitarianism Confuted, and Unitarianism Defended (Liverpool, 1839). The Unitarian series was reprinted (London, 1876). Cf. Christian Reformer, vi, N. S. (1839), 115–175, 202 f, 235–243, 314–323; Charles Wicksteed, ‘The Liverpool Unitarian Controversy,’ Theological Review, xiv(1877), 85–106; A. W. Jackson, James Martineau (Boston, 1900), 57–71; James Drummond and Charles Barnes Upton, Life and Letters of James Martineau (London, 1902), 97–105; J. Estlin Carpenter, James Martineau, Theologian and Teacher (London, 1905), pp. 177–189.
35 Cf. T. S. James, History of the Litigation, pp. 209–226; Presbyterian Endowments: Report of the Hearing of the Case of the Wolverhampton Meeting-house . . . at Westminster Hall, January 22–26, 1836 (London, 1836).For the decree, see Parliamentary Debates on the Dissenters' Chapels Bill (London, 1844), p. 59, n., f.
37 Cf. W. Whitaker, ‘The Open-Trust Myth,’ U. H. S. (London), i, 303–314. As a matter of fact this practice was not peculiar to the Presbyterians, since most Dissenting trusts of the period were left “open,” orthodox beliefs being assumed as already safeguarded under existing laws.
42 For details of the Lady Hewley case, cf. James, History of Litigation; sharply reviewed by John Gordon, Nonconformity and Liberty (London, 1867);answered in turn in Addendum to James, op.cit. See also the official reports: Lady Hewley’s Charities: a Full Report of the Hearing in the House of Lords . . . on the Appeal of the Trustees (London; 1839);Clark & Finnelly's Appeal Cases . . . decided in the House of Lords during the Session, 1842, vol. IX,part iii (London, 1842); Christian Reformer, vi, N. S. (1839), full report of proceedings in the House of Lords, passim.
A voluminous controversial literature appeared while the case was in process. See especially Joseph Hunter, An Historical Defence of the Trustees of Lady Hewley's Foundations (London, 1834);(Thomas Falconer), The History, Opinions, and Present Legal Position of the English Presbyterians (London, 1834);Joshua Wilson, An Historical Inquiry concerning the Principles, Opinions and Usages of the English Presbyterians, etc. (London 1835); English Presbyterian Charities (reviewing the above), (London, 1835);James Brooks, The Prevalence of Arianism amongst English Presbyterians, etc. (London, 1837);(Joseph Hunter), Historical Proofs and Illustrations (London, 1838).
46 For full reports of the proceedings, cf. Parliamentary Debates on the Dissenters’ Chapels Bill (London, 1744); Presbyterian Reporter, 7 numbers, intercalated in Christian Reformer, xi, N. S.,1844, passim. For a very partisan account, cf. James, History of Litigation, pp. 497–581, 759–797.
49 For the text of the Bill as finally passed, cf. Parliamentary Debates, pp. 405–407; James, History of Litigation, p. 797f. The conservative vote was nearly equally divided; the liberal was 13 to 1. For the voters’ names, cf. Parliamentary Debates, p. 413 ff.
1 Cf. Herbert McLachlan, The Unitarian Home Missionary College (London, 1915). With changing conditions, the definitely limited purpose at first in mind was gradually outgrown and enlarged, and the requirements and facilities extended; and in 1904 the Unitarian College was affiliated to the free faculty of Theology in the University of Manchester.
4 The original intention, to make University Hall an academic residence for Unitarian students at University College, with additional instruction and a Principal of its own, was not satisfactorily realized; and in 1853 it became the seat of Manchester New College now removed thither. In 1889, when the College again removed to Oxford, University Hall was purchased by Dr. Williams's Trustees, and it is now the home of Dr. Williams's Library.
10 James Martineau (1805–1900), born at Norwich, was destined to be an engineer, but feeling dissatisfied with this he chose the ministry, for which he prepared under Wellbeloved at Manchester College, York. After first serving a Unitarian church in Eustace Street, Dublin for four years he became minister of a congregation in Paradise Street, Liverpool, which he served until 1857. As Professor in Manchester New College he also served from 1840 to 1885.
John James Tayler (1797–1869) born in London, son of a minister. He was educated at Manchester College, York, and at Glasgow University, and was minister of a congregation in Moseley Street (later in Brook Street), Manchester, 1821–1853. Principal of Manchester New College, London, 1853–1869. His most important published work was his Retrospect of the Religious Life of England, 1845.
12 Op. cit., p. 119. This view had indeed been distinctly set forth long before by the Socinian Wiszowaty in his little work on Rational Religion, published in Holland in 1685(vide supra, vol. i, 572), but it was little known, and by now had been completely forgotten, and can hardly have been known to Martineau.
15 For a full account of the controversy, cf. Drummond and Upton, Life of Martineau (London, 1902),i, 296–325; Christian Reformer, N. S. xiii (1857), 189 f, 312–322, 379–388; also M. N. C., Special Report and Protest, bound in.
16 Cf. Carpenter, James Martineau (London, 1905), chap. xiii; and, in detail, Inquirer, xviii (1859), 763f; Christian Reformer, N. S., xiv (1858), 378, 719–728; xv (1859), 603–620, 747 f, 752–754; Martineau, ‘The Unitarian Position,’ and ‘Church-Life? or Sect-Life?’ in his Essays, ii, 371–420.
19 For a detailed study of the record, cf. McLachlan, Unitarian Movement and Raymond V. Holt, The Unitarian Contribution to Social Progress in England (London, 1938). See also National Conference of Churches, Report of Tenth Meeting (New York, 1882).
1 It is indeed recorded that about 1738 two Polish Socinians, sons of the famous Socinian scholar, Samuel Crellius, were members of a company of emigrants from England to the new colony of Georgia; but no record has been discovered of their life or influence there, except that one of them was a justice of the peace, and that the other was engaged in Agriculture, and that though married neither of them left any male heir. Cf. Bock, Historia Antitrinitariorum, i, 168 f; also vol. i, 577 of the present work. The only instance of possible Socinian influence is found at Oldenbarnevelt (later Barnevelt) in central New York, where the learned Dr. Francis A. van der Kemp, a Mennonite preacher from Leiden, who had perhaps been subject to Socinian influence in Holland, and who had landed at New York as a political exile in 1788,joined with a banished patriot soldier who was agent of the Holland Land Company, in organizing in 1803 a United Protestant Religious Society, whose charter pledged it to absolute freedom of belief. Two years later this society settled an avowed Unitarian minister, and thenceforth stedfastly adhered to the Unitarian movement. v. infra, p. 412n.
3 Two examples of early New England Covenants may serve as illustrations. That of the church at Salem (the first Congregational church in America, 1629) reads: “We covenant with the Lord and with one another, and do bind ourselves in the presence of God, to walk together in all his ways, according as he is pleased to reveal himself unto us in his blessed word of truth.” That of the First Church in Boston (1630) reads: “We do hereby solemnly and religiously promise and bind ourselves to walk in all our ways according to the rule of the Gospel, . . . and in mutual love and respect each to other, so near as God shall give us grace.” These two Covenants bind one to no statement of belief, have survived the theological changes of over three centuries, and are still in use. Cf. Daniel Appleton White, New England Congregationalism, etc. (Salem, 1861), pp. 113, 250.
8 The General Convention of Congregational Ministers (including all ordained Congregational ministers in active service) used to gather at Boston at the time of the meeting of the General Court in May and to dine together, and in 1720 it was voted that a sermon should be preached on the day of the election. These sermons were conciones ad clerum. The first was by Increase Mather. They often furnish a good clue to the progress of thought. See the Historical Sermon by the Rev. John W. Harding, with a list of preachors (Boston, 1887); continued by the Rev. Christopher R. Eliot, U. H. S. (Boston), viii, 7–26, 1947.
10 For a well documented survey of the Unitarian controversy from its beginnings down to 1833, see E. H. Gillett, ‘History and Literature of the Unitarian Controversy,’ Historical Magazine, N. S. ix (1871), 222–324; and for a general account of the early development of Unitarianism, from an orthodox standpoint, see a series of ‘Letters on the Introduction and Progress of Unitarianism in New England’ in Spirit of the Pilgrims (Boston), vols. ii–iv (1829–31); and (Bishop George Burgess), Pages from the Ecclesiastical History of New England, 1740–1840 (Boston, 1847), reprinted from the Episcopal Observer.
15 Cf. Frederick Lewis Weis, ‘The Reverend Ebenezer Gay, D.D.,’ Proceedings of the Unitarian Historical Society (Boston, 1916), i, 1–23; Samuel A. Eliot, Heralds of a Liberal Faith (Boston, 1912), i, 1–19; William B. Sprague, Annals of the American Unitarian Pulpit (New York, 1865), pp. 1–19.
21 A considerably abridged Extracts from an Humble Inquiry, etc., was published at Boston in 1790 with a new preface. Answered by Caleb Alexander, An Essay on the Real Deity of Jesus Christ (Boston, 1791).
22 For Edwards's letter and Wigglesworth's reply, see Joseph S. Clark, Historical Sketch of the Congregational Churches in Massachusetts (Boston, 1858), pp. 180–184. Burr's work, Boston, 1757; reprinted, Boston, 1791.
28 These are the words, often quoted, used by the Rev. F. W. P. Greenwood, History of King's Chapel (Boston, 1833), p. 139. But in the interest of accuracy it should be stated that as early as 1640 an Episcopal church had been organized at Portsmouth, N. H. Cf. William White, Memoirs of the Protestant Episcopal Church (New York, 1880), p. xxiii.
Very soon after the King's Chapel Liturgy had been adopted, the American Episcopal Church in course of its reorganization had to consider what modifications were desirable in its Prayer Book, in view of the Revolution. There was wide difference of opinion, the New England congregation being (perhaps in reaction from King's Chapel) quite conservative, those of the central and southern States being more liberal. A committee appointed for the purpose presented to the Convention a tentative “Proposed Book,” which omitted the Athanasian and Nicene Creeds and several other passages thought not generally acceptable. The English Bishops, whose approval was considered essential, insisted on retaining the Nicene Creed, but the Athanasian which they also urged found no favor. Many of the changes adopted were identical with those already printed in the King's Chapel Liturgy. Cf. White, Memoirs, pp. xlviii, 121 ff; Henry Wilder Foote, Annals of King's Chapel (Boston, 1896), ii, 382. For the text of the “Proposed Book,” see William McGarvey, Liturgiae Americanae (Philadelphia, 1907).
30 Cf. Foote, Annals, ii, 384–389; Greenwood, History, pp. 180–196; Lindsey, Vindiciae, pp. 31–36. Deserving of record here is the influential part taken by a visiting English Unitarian minister, the Rev. William Hazlitt (1737–1817). Born in Ireland, educated at Glasgow, he entered the Unitarian ministry, served several churches and became friend of Priestley, Price, Kippis and Dr. Franklin. He strongly sympathized with the American cause and befriended American prisoners in their camp near him in Ireland. Seeking settlement in America he went in 1783 to Philadelphia where there were many English. He lectured there on Evidences of Christianity; printed several Unitarian tracts in 1784, including Priestley, Appeal of the Pious (cf. W. C.Hazlitt, Four Generations, p. 44); preached in several churches in the vicinity, but found no settlement because of orthodox opposition, though he declined calls to Charleston and Pittsburg.
Removing to Boston in 1784 he found King's Chapel in a state of transition, gave Freeman much assistance in revising the Liturgy, and convinced the members of their right to ordain their own minister. He delivered his series of lectures on Evidences and published a ‘Scriptural Confutation of the 39 Articles’ which had much influence on opinion. He preached many times at Hingham, hoping to succeed Dr. Gay, and elsewhere, and spent the winter at Hallowell, Maine, where the English Unitarian Samuel Vaughan whom he had met at Philadelphia had extensive properties. (Cf. J. T. Rutt, ed., Life of Joseph Priestley, I, ii, 406). Early in 1787, discouraged by his prospects he returned to England (just before Dr. Gay's death), and settled in “a retired corner” at Wem in Shropshire. Cf. a letter on religion in America, Monthly Repository, iii (1808), 302–307; William Carew Hazlitt, Four Generations of a 1iterary Family (London, 1897); id.,The Hazlitts (Edinburgh, 1911); letters by Hazlitt, Christian Reformer, v (1838), 505, etc.; Belsham, Life of Lindsey, pp. 238–243.
33 Cf. Greenwood, History, p. 197 f; Foote, Annals, ii,393. In view of the interest previously expressed by the Rev. Nathanael Fisher of St. Peter's Church, Salem, in the revisal of the Liturgy, Mr. Freeman sent him a presentation copy which, however, he returned with no little discourtesy. When asked how he could read the Athanasian Creed without believing it, he replied, “I read it as if I did not believe it.” Cf. Sprague, Unitarian Pulpit, p.271; Foote, Annals, p. 171.
34 The Harvard College library catalogue of 1773 lists hardly a single Unitarian author; but from the late eighties on entries are frequent. Noteworthy also are instances of honorary degrees conferred in this period by American colleges — Princeton, Yale, Brown, Harvard — on men in the English Unitarian tradition.
37 At about the same time with Portland a liberal movement was taking shape in the neighboring community of Saco-Biddeford, where the Second Religious Society in Biddeford was formed in 1795 and incorporated in 1797 on liberal principles. It is said afterwards to have had its own minister, but its early history is obscure. Cf. Belsham, Life of Lindsey, pp. 245–250; see also Vincent Brown Silliman’s article in the Maine Unitarian (Saco, spring issue, 1946).
38Cf. Daily Advertiser (New York), passim, January to April, 1794; Christian Register (Boston), 1894, p. 308, article by Robert Collyer on ‘One Hundred Years ago’; John Bach McMaster, History of the United States (New York, 1907), ii, 238–241.
43 That is, the first to be permanently established, and openly avowing the Unitarian name. This is not forgetting the ephemeral case at Portland; v. supra, p. 395. A futile attempt to settle a Unitarian minister at Philadelphia is said to have been made in 1792.
44 Christie had been Unitarian preacher at Montrose and Glasgow (v. supra, p.320), and after coming to America in 1794 had first taught a school at Winchester, Va., while also preaching, for he was a zealous Unitarian. In 1801 he removed to Northumberland in order to be near Priestley, and lived there for two years before resuming his teaching near Philadelphia. Cf. Monthly Repository, xix (1824), 363. He contributed a valuable Appendix to Priestley's Life, giving a ‘Review of Dr. Priestley's Theological and Philosophical Works.’ See Joseph Priestley, Memoirs of Dr. Joseph Priestley (London, 1807). ii, 1–325.
45 Cf. Monthly Repository, iii (1818), 54f, 288f, 643–646, 688–690. Meeting in North Sixth Street. According to Unitarian Miscellany, v, 150, December 1823,Christie died Nov. 21, 1823, at Long Branch, his son-in-law’s.
48 Complaint was made that the “doctrines of grace” were being neglected in preaching. They were these (see Panoplist, xii, 361–367):The Sovereignty and Decrees of God; Total Depravity; Personal Election; Regeneration by the Holy Spirit; the Divinity and Atonement of Christ; Trinity in Unity; Justification by Faith; Perseverance of the Saints.
54 Although the Old South Church remained nominally orthodox by the narrowest margin, its minister, Dr. Eckley, denied the supreme Divinity of Christ, and was the first minister to offer Freeman an exchange of pulpits after his ordination.
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