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1 From the Middle Ages this name was applied by the Magyars of Hungary proper to the country beyond (trans) the forested region (sylvania) lying to the east of the Great Plain of Hungary. The Germans called it Siebenbürgen (and the Poles by the equivalent name Siedmiogród) in supposed reference to seven fortified towns built by Saxon immigrants; though some suggest a derivation from Szeben, the most important of these towns. The Hungarian name is Erdély, forest. Cf. Josephus Benkö, Transsilvania (Vindobonae, 1778), i, 3 f.
3 For comprehensive and interesting accounts of Transylvania in its various aspects, see Benkö, op. cit.; Auguste de Gerando, La Transylvanie et ses habitants, 2 vols. (Paris, 1845); John Paget, Hungary and Transylvania, 2 vols. (London, 1850); Charles Boner, Transylvania, its products and its people (London, 1865); G. von Rath, Siebenbűrgen:Reisebeobachtungen und Studien (Heidelberg, 1888); Emily Gerard, The Land beyond the Forest, 2 vols. (London, 1888).
7 In the summer of 1933 the writer and his wife had the enviable experience of attending, as appointed delegates representing the Unitarian churches of America, the ceremonies at the inauguration at Hermannstadt of a new Bishop of the Saxon churches, which took place with all the picturesque pomp and ceremonial handed down from mediaeval Germany.
9 The name Wallack, and its equivalent in various languages of Europe, often seems simply to denote Italian; but in the course of time it had come to have such connotations of inferiority and contempt that at the time of the Hungarian revolution of 1848, when a new order was being established, their Bishop formally demanded that they be henceforth called, as they called themselves, Romanians, and the old name has fallen into disuse. Cf. Benkö, op. cit., i, 474 ff; Rath, Siebenbürgen, p. 154.
10 It was said that as late as the middle of the nineteenth century only a single Wallack periodical was published in all Hungary for their population of two and a half million. Cf. Andrew Chalmers, Transylvanjan Recollections (London, 188o), p. 78.
11 Their ultimate origin is obscure, and has given rise to much speculation, not uncolored by racial feeling. They may have been pre-Roman Dacians, possibly of Celtic stock; but their language, which has clear affinities with Latin, and yet closer ones with Italian, betrays influence of the Roman occupation. It has long been their proud boast that they are descendants of Trajan’s Roman soldiers. With these, as also with the Roman colonists who followed them, there may have been more or less intermarriage, hence their traditional claim. Some evidence also points to an intermixture with an Italian shepherd people immigrating from the Dalmatian coast before their incursion into Transylvania. Cf. G. D. Teutsch, Geschichte der siebenbürger Sachsen (2. Aufl., Leipzig, 1874), i, 7; Rudolf Bergner, Siebenbürgen (Leipzig, 1884), pp. 244—249;E. Robert Roesler, Dacier und Romänen (Wien, 1866); id., Romänische Studien (Leipzig, 1871).
22 Cf. Bethlen, op. cit., i, 344; Stephanus F. Uzoni, Unitario-Ecclesiastica Historia Transylvanica, 2 vols. in Ms, i, 603. This most important of the manuscript authorities on Unitarian history in Transylvania exists in three copies: (1) one in the library of the Unitarian Gymnasium at Székely-Keresztúr, in three volumes, ex libris Elek Jakab; (2) one in the library of the Unitarian College at Kolozsvár, in five volumes, of which the last three contain valuable copies of documents, largely in Hungarian; (3) one in two volumes, belonging to the Bishop’s library at Kolozsvár. This last is the author’s original Ms, and is dated at the end, 1775. By the extraordinary kindness of the Representative Consistory of the Unitarian Church at Kolozsvár, to whom the author acknowledges his deep obligation, he was permitted to bring this copy with him to America to use as long as needed in the preparation of the present work. The references are made to this edition.
23 The monk Frater George Martinuzzi, Bishop of Nagyvárad, who had been his valued adviser during his recent exile in Poland, a man of great ability and resourcefulness; and a kinsman named Peter Petrovics, who later on became an active Calvinist.
24 One must try to strike a fair balance between the unqualified praise of Bethlen. op. cit., i, 288, cf. 626, and the virulent condemnation of Forgács, who judges her guilty of every sort of folly and immorality. Cf. Franciscus Forgachius, Rerum Hungaricarum sui temporis Commentarii (Posonii, 1788), pp. 208—233.
25 The various names that this town has borne are apt to confuse the reader. The Latin name long and widely current was Alba Julia; Hungarians called it by the name given above; Germans, by its equivalent, Weissenburg (not to be confounded with Stuhlweissenburg — Székesfehérvár — southwest of Buda). When the fortifications were rebuilt under the Emperor Charles VI, a new set of names was given the city in his honor: Alba Carolina, Károlyfehérvár, and Karlsburg.
28 Cf. Michael Burian, Dissertatio historico-critica de duplici ingressu in Transsilvaniam Georgii Blandratae (Albo-Carolinae, 1806), pp. 10-17. Also Elek Jakab, ‘Néhány adat Blandrata György élete’ etc. (Some data on the life of G. B.), Keresztény Magvetö (The Christian Seedsower), Kolozsvár, xii (1877), 3.
4 Cf. Andreas Illia, Ortus et progressus variarum in Dacia gentium ac religionum (Claudiopoli, 1730), p. 20; Ferencz Kanyaró, Unitáriusok Magyarországon, etc. (Unitarians in Hungary), Kolozsvár, 1891, p. 13.
8 Cf. Székely, loc.cit.;Haner, op. cit., p. 162; Franciscus Páriz Pápai, Rudus redivivum, seu breves rerum ecclesiasticarum Hungaricarum . . . Commentarii (Cibinii, 1684), reprinted in Miscellanea Tigurina (Zürich, 1723), ii, 124-127.
17 It will be recalled that he was one of the two whom King John on his death-bed had appointed as counselors of the Queen. He was a kinsman of the late King, had accompanied Isabella in her exile, and had meanwhile represented her interests with the Sultan.
26 Ut quisque teneret eam fidem quam vellet cum novis et antiquis ceremoniis, permittentes in negocio fidei eorum arbitrio id fieri quod ipsis liberet, citra tamen injuriam quorumlibet, ne novae religionis sectatores veterem professionem lacesserent aut illius sectatoribus fierent quoquo modo injurli. Cf. Erdélyi Országgyülesi Emlékek (Records of the Transylvanian Diets), ed. Szilágy Sándor (Budapest, 1876-99), ii, 78.
27 The name at first given to those holding the Zwinglian view of the Lord’s Supper. Cf. Magyar Emlékek, ii, 93, 98. A similar decree had been passed in the Grisons at the Diet of Ilanz in 1526. v. supra,, vol. 1, p. 97 f.
35 His father’s first name is said to have been Dávid, whence by dropping the father’s family name, a not unusual practice, he came to be called in Latin Franciscus Davidis — Francis, Dávid’s son. Davidis is thus taken as a patronymic in the genitive case; but it may also be a nominative form (so in the Vulgate), and seems often to be so used. Hungarian usage places the family name first — David Ferencz — though that usage is not followed in the present work. Kolozsvár (Lat., Claudiopolis; Ger., Klausenburg; and under the Romanian occupation, Cluj), though not the capital of Transylvania, was its metropolis, a city famed for its wealth and culture, and it has always been the capital of Transylvanian Unitarianism.
38 Ut quisque eam quam maluerit religionem et fidem amplecti et concionatores suae religionis libere alere possit, etc. Cf. Magyar Emlékek,ii, 218, also 223. A different version is given by Pápai, op. cit., p. 152; Benkö, op. cit., ii, 129; Bod, Historia, i, 412. This again is not a decree of general toleration in religion, but merely a guarantee for the religions immediately concerned
41 Biandrata’s management of the difficult proceedings was evidently satisfactory to the King, who seems at this time to have recognized his services by presenting him with three villages, formerly belonging to the cathedral chapter at Gyulafehérvár. Biandrata sold them in 1573 to Christopher Báthory for 6,000 florins. Cf. Burian, Dissertatio, p. 85 ff.
1Cf. Giovanandrea Gromo, ‘Uebersicht des . . . Königs Johann von Siebenbürgen . . . Reiches’ etc., Archiv für Siebenbürgische Landeskunde, N. F. ii (Kronstadt, 1855), 38.
2 Cf. Burian, Dissertatio, p. 212; Jakab, Adat, p. 10.
4 Homo inconstantissimus, et quovis vobilior vertumno; Bod, Historia, i, 308.
5 For a characterization from an unsympathetic source, see the letter of Stephen Szántó, S. J., to his superior, Claudius Aquaviva, dated Kolozsvár, Sept. 1, 1581 two years after Dávid’s death. Francis Dávid was a man of very acute mind and tenacious memory, so familiar with Scripture that he seemed to have the Old and New Testaments at his tongue’s end. In disputes with Calvinists and Lutherans before the leading men of the kingdom he easily surpassed them all. It was his custom to explain Scripture by Scripture, and when a passage was cited against his heresy, he would at once bring forward other similar ones which seemed to support his view, and from these he gathered that the authority cited by his opponent was also to be understood in the same way.’ Epistolae et Acta Jesuitarum in Transylvania, ed. Andreas Veress (Kolozsvár, 1911), i, 185 f; cf. also a Lutheran view cited by Burian, Dissertatio, p. 236 f.
6 Cf. F. Dávid, Elsö része az szent írásnak, etc. (First part of the Holy Scripturepreaching about God the Father) Gyula-Fejérvár, 1569, in the fifth sermon on II. Cor. xi; cf. Uzoni, Historia, i, 126.
12 Cf. Lampe, Historia, pp. 152-158. Károli soon left his post at Kolozsvár and became Rector of the Reformed school at Debreczen, where he later succeeded Mélius as Superintendent upon the death of the latter in 1572. He afterwards published an attack on Biandrata and Dávid, which was in turn answered by Sommer, his successor in the school at Kolozsvár. Cf. Petrus Carolinus, Brevis . . . Explicatio orthodoxae fidei de uno Deo et Spiritu Sancto adversus blasphemos G. Blandratae et F. Davidis errores (Witebergae, 1571); Joannes Sommerus, Refutatio scripti Petri Caroli, etc. (Ingolstadii-Kolozsvár, 1582).
13 Mélius published against him his Az Aran Tamás hamis és eretnec tévelgésinec, etc. (The false and heretical error of T. A.) Debreczen, 1562, which gives Aran’s theses in full. Cf. Boros, Sketches, p. 324; Kanyaró, Unitáriusok, pp. 56-60,
15 Cf. the published report, Disputatio prima Albana (Claudiopoli, 1566). This discussion, in which Mélius is said to have been considered victor, has often been confused with the much more important one two years later issuing in Dávid’s triumphal acclamation at Kolozsvár.
17 Catechimus Ecclesiarum Dei in natione Hungarica per Transylvaniam, etc. (Claudiopoli, 1566); including also the Sententia concors Pastorum, etc. The several items mentioned above are given at length in Lampe, Historia, pp. 147-162; and differently arranged and with a somewhat different text in Bod, Historie, i, 399-405.
20 De falsa et vera unius Dei Patris, Filii, et Spiritus Sancti cognitione, libri duo. Authoribus Ministris Ecclesiarum consentientium in Sarmatia et Transylvania (Albae Juliae, 1567). The mention of Polish ministers is significant, showing that Biandrata was in active communication with the Polish Brethren. Witness also Biandrata’s letter to the Polish churches, Jan. 27, 1568, in Stanislaus Lubieniecius, Historia Reformationis Polonicae (Freistadii, 1685), p. 229f.
21 It seems a fair conjecture that the first or critical part was largely the work of Biandrata. The second or constructive part may well have been compiled from the work of various authors. The eleventh chapter, Brevis explicatio in primum Ioannis caput, has lately been identified by Cantimori with Laelius Socinus’s Paraphrasis in Initium Evangelii S. Johannis. Cf. Enciclopedia Italiana, xxxi (1936), 1015.
22 The pictures were as follows: 1. A three-faced figure on an altar, with the inscription, ‘Janus bifrons was expelled from Rome, in order to set up a Trifrons over the world.’ 2. Showing a two-headed God on an altar and the Holy Spirit descending in a halo of light (original in a chapel at Kraków). 3. Showing Father, Son and Holy Spirit being transubstantiated into the Host at the sacrament (from a tapestry at Rome). 4. Showing the three persons sitting side by side at table. 5. Showing the flesh of Christ actually descending from heaven. 6. Showing the Father seated, holding the crucified Christ, and above a dove. 7. Symbolically showing Stancaro’s conception of the Son mediating between the whole Trinity and men. 8. Representing the Trinity by a single ring adorned with three identical gems.
24 These pictures continued to scandalize the Trinitarians so much that when the government changed, every effort was made to have all copies destroyed that could be found, and unmutilated copies are extremely rare. The author has a photostatic copy of the book, and the pictures are well reproduced in Konrad Górski, Grzegorz Pawet Z Brzezin (Kraków, 1931), pp. 202-207. For further similar illustrations, see J. R. Beard, Historical and artistic illustrations of the Trinity (London, 1846).
26 Debreczen lay beyond King John’s dominion. Cf. Biandrata’s letter of the same month given in Lubieniecius, l. c. supra; also Dávid’s Literae convocatoriae (Albae Juliae, 1568) convoking the synod next to be spoken of.
27 The sources are given in two reports: one, subscribed by the Elders and Ministers of the (Unitarian) churches in Transylvania, entitled Brevis enarratio disputationis Albanae, etc. (Albae Juliae, 1568); the other by Caspar Heltai, one of the judges on the Trinitarian side, entitled Disputatio in causa sacrosanctae Trinitatis, etc. (Claudiopoli, 1568). The accounts agree in the main, but vary considerably in details, being influenced in choice and presentation of materials by the reporters’ sympathies. Two years later Heltai reprinted his text without change, but with a new preface in which he confessed his conversion to the views that he had formerly opposed, and acknowledged his especial obligation to Biandrata and Dávid for enlightening him. For detailed accounts, besides the two reports cited, cf. Pápai, Rudus, p. 155 f; Haner, Historia, pp. 28-287; Uzoni, Historia, i, 133-141; Bod, Historia, 1, 409-412.
28 It is significant that only one speaker on the orthodox side was a Transylvanian; the others being either from the Hungarian counties or else Lutherans. Evidently the Calvinists in Transvlvania had almost entirely followed Dávid.
31 “That faith is the gift of God, as St. Paul declared (Eph. ii, 8) had been a commonplace in Catholic theology, and was often emphasized by the reformers. The decree here gives it a new application by contrast with the policy of imposing faith (in the sense of belief) by force under penalty. The King repeats the saying at the next disputation at Várad (see below).
32 Cf. Magyar Emlékek, ii, 267, 343.The edict is said to have passed the Diet unanimously. It is the moment of the climax of Dávid’s speech in favor of this measure that is represented in the painting by Aladar Körösföi-Kriesch which hangs in the town hall at Torda, and in photogravure has an honored place in multitudes of Unitarian homes in Transylvania. Cf. William C. Gannett, Francis Dávid (London, 1914).
34 The most important was De Mediatoris Jesu Christi Divinitate; including a reprint of a chapter on the restoration of the Church, from De operibus Dei of Cellarius of Basel. Cf. supra, vol i, p. 24. Details of these in Uzoni, Historia, i, 504 f; Károly Szabó, Régi Magyar Könyvtár (Early Hungarian Bibliography), Budapest, 1879, i, ii.
36 Later known as Nagyvárad (Grosswardein). It was one of the most important cities in the King’s dominion,, though situated in one of the Hungarian counties outside of Transylvania proper. The call, together with the propositions for discussion and the opponents’ arguments, etc., are given at length in Lampe, Historia, pp. 224-263, and in Bod, Hsstoria, i, 413-424.
38 Cf. the official report (reprinted, Kolozsvár, 1870, ‘ed. Nagy and Simén), A Nagyváradi Disputatio. For further accounts, cf. Uzoni, Historia, i, 141-143 Jakab, Dávid, pp. 137-150; Biandrata’s contemporary letter to the Polish brethren, given by Theodor Wotschke in his ‘Zur Geschichte des Antitrinitarismus,’ Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, xxiii (1926), 94 ff, dated Kolozsvár, Oct. 31, 1569.
39 There appears indeed to have been yet a final disputation at Gyulafehérvár late in 1570. The only extant report of it is in a considerably dramatized account written by Palaeologus (cf. Uzoni, Historia, i, 580-599). After the debate at Várad Mélius had written to the King (cf. Lampe, Historia, p. 267) complaining that his opponents had interpreted the Scriptures arbitrarily, being ignorant of languages and of the original texts. A refutation of this charge is furnished in the present debate, in which Paruta and Sommer appear as accomplished linguists, defending their cause in the most earned manner.
Nicola Paruta was one of the early Antitrinitarians in the Venetian territory who, having to flee from the Inquisition, found refuge for many years among the Anabaptists in Moravia (it was at his house at Slavkov that Ochino died in 1564). He was later active in the early movement in Transylvania, where he collaborated with Biandrata in a confession published at Rádnoth on 1567. Johannes Sommer of Pirna near Dresden was called from Germany by Biandrata and Dávid in 1569 to succeed Károli as Rector of the Kolozsvár school where, with his learning and his fame as a poet, he greatly promoted their cause. He wrote in confutation of Károli (v. supra, p. 31, note 52), was distinguished as a Greek scholar, and held that the doctrine of the Trinity was drawn from the philosophy of Plato, and was thus of pagan origin. His theses to this end are preserved in Lubieniecius, Historia, pp. 234-238.
42 Out of a total of about 350 pages, some 265 are a reprint, with occasional rearrangement of matter, and some omissions, of about 180 pages of Servetus. For collation of the passages cf. István Borbély, A Magyar Unitárius Egyház hitlvei a xvi. században (The doctrines of the Unitarian Church in the 16th century), Kolozsvár, 1914, p. 42.
45 Cited by Uzoni, Historia, i, 599.
1 Cf. Lampe, Historia, p. 267.
3 Cf. Lampe, op. cit., pp. 245-249. In the caption to this Sententia occurs the word Unitarios, which if an authentic part of the original is apparently the earliest demonstrable use of the word, but it is quite possible that this caption instead of being a part of the original, is the composition of the editor, and hence of much later date.
7 Cf. Zanchi, De tribus Elohim (Heidelberg, 1572); Major, De uno Deo et tribus personis adversus Franc. Davidis et Georg. Blandratam (Witebergae, 1569); answered by Dávid and Biandrata, Refutatio scripti Georgii Majoris, etc. (Kolozsvár, 1569); Major, Commonefactio ad Ecclesiam Catholicam, . . . contra Blandratam, etc. (Witebergae, 1569).
12 In the first Unitarian controversial book (1567) the authors call themselves Ministri ecclesiarum consentientium in Sarmatja et Transylvania. In the report of the disputation at Gyulafehérvár (1568) the debaters on Dávid’s side are called Ministers of the Evangelical profession, while their opponents are called Ministers of the Catholic truth; although later usage so changed that the term Evangelical was used to designate the orthodox Protestants, and the term Catholic was transferred from them to the Roman Catholics. By a similar change the term Trinitarian, generally used by Catholic writers until late in the sixteenth century to denote anti-trinitarians, came instead to be applied to believers in the Trinity (whom Catholics had hitherto called simply orthodoxi), leaving its etymological opposite, Unitarian, to designate their opponents. The new religion was slow in acquiring an accepted name, and for some time its adherents were referred to merely as of the Kolozsvár profession (in distinction from the Szeben profession or Lutherans) or as of Francis Dávid s religion or as of the other religion or church’ (cf Magyar Eimlékek, ii, 231, 123).
The historical origin of the name Unitarian has been long and persistently misrepresented on the sole authority of Peter Bod a Calvinistic author who in his Smirnai Szent Polikárpus (1766), p. 22 (substantially repeated in his Historia Unitariorum, Lugduni Batavorum, 1781, p. 43 f; and his Historia Hungarorum Ecclesiastica, i, 412 f) states that the name is derived from a unio of Dávid’s followers with the other confessions as decreed at the Diet of Torda in 1563(v. supra, Ms p. 46 f). This statement, which has been blindly followed by many later writers, is pure conjecture, first put forth after the lapse of a century. It is historically incorrect, since the legalizing of limited religious toleration in 1563did not constitute any union of religions which continued mutually opposed to one another; it is etymologically absurd, since the noun unio does not yield the adjective unitarius; it is not supported by a shred of evidence; and it was contradicted by more careful writers both before and after; cf. Andrew Wiszowaty in Christopher Sandius, Bibliotheca Antitrinitariorum (Freistadii-Amsterdam, 1684), p. 225; Ferencz Horváth, Apologia Fratrum Unitariorum (Kolozsvár, 1701), p A2a; Benkö Transsilvania (1777), ii, 135; Székely, Történetei (1839), pp. 72—74. The authentic origin is given, as below, in a careful study De cognominatione Unitariorum, by Uzoni, Historia, i, 183—193.
The name originated at the time of the great dispute at Gyulafehérvár in 1568, in the course of which Mélius quite often concluded his argument by saying, Ergo Deus est trinitarius. He also used the word in a work now lost and known to us only by quotations from it in Dávid’s Refutatio scripti Petri Melii (Gyulafehéryár, 1567); cf. Uzoni, Historia, i, 502 f. Hence his party naturally came to be called Trinitarians and their opponents would naturally be called Unitarians. The name seems thus to have come into general use only gradually and it was long before it was employed in the formal proclamations of their Superintendents With the possible exception named above (Ms p. 81, n. 1), it is not found in print as the denomination of the church until 1600, when the unitarja religio is named as one of the four received religions in a decree of the Diet of Léczfalva (cf. Magyar Emlékek iv, 551) in the extreme southeastern part of Transylvania. The name was never used by the Socinians in Poland; but late in the seventeenth century Transylvanian Unitarian students made it well-known in Holland, where the Socinians in exile, who had never adopted Socinian as the name of their movement and were more and more objecting to it, welcomed it as distinguishing them from Trinitarians. It thus gradually superseded the term Socinian, and spread to England and America, as will be seen.
14 Approbatae Constitutiones Regni Transylvaniae et partium Hungariae eidem annexarum (Varadini, 1653). The Article concerned reads as follows: The four received religions of the realm are henceforth perpetually to be regarded as authorized, following the praiseworthy example of our ancestors of blessed memory, since both the continuance of our common fatherland and the Constitution of the realm and the agreements made between the Estates demand this. These four received religions, namely, the Evangelical-Reformed (or Calvinist), the Lutheran or Augsburg, the Roman Catholic, the Unitarian or Anititrinitarian, shall be allowed henceforth free practice in the places usual according to the Constitutions of the realm. Pars I, tit.. i, art. 2.
15 Cf. Magyar Emlékek, ii, 280, 374. The extant records of the Diet do not give any explicit or detailed statement of the terms of this action, but the action taken at subsequent Diets clearly assumes and confirms what is here said. Cf. Jakab, Dávid, p. 184. Haner’s statement (Historia, p. 287), that after very serious discussion David and the Prince obtained nothing but that under the name of the Unitarian religion as defined by certain articles they were bound to live in the city of Kolozsvár, is not supported by any authority, and seems wholly improbable. Uzoni (Historia, 1, 201 ff) makes a valiant attempt to show that the Unitarian religion was the second in order to be legalized, and the Catholic the last; but his reasoning has not been generally accepted. Cf. Burian, Dissertatio, pp. 215-235.
17 This is not quite to forget the case of Mózes Székely, who was elected Prince of Transylvania in 1603, but was killed in battle before he could be fairly seated on his throne; nor that of the Russian Pretender Demetrius, who briefly flourished two or three years later. Cf. supra, vol. i, 422 f.
23Cf. Possevino, Transjlvanja p. 94; Bethlen, Historia ii, 211. This complaint was perhaps the reason why he chose for his personal physician Dr. Biandrata, who had established a reputation for his treatment of such cases; e.g., that of Lismanino in Poland. v. supra, vol. i, p. 317, n. 47.
42 As Unitarianism had been very prevalent among the Szeklers, the crushing defeat of Békés meant a serious weakening of their cause, since so many of them thus lost their lives or their property,. and the loyalty of them all was long under suspicion.
43 Who, as now Vaivode of Transylvania, may have thought this the surest way to win back the loyal support of Békés’s many followers among the Szeklers. The influence of Biandrata, to whom Stephen was under deep obligations for his new throne, was doubtless no small factor.
44 Cf. Ürmössy, Békés, p. 218 f; Bethlen, Historia, ii,431-433; Uzoni, Historia, i, 611-614. Békés died at Grodno in November, 1579, eight days before Dávid. His tomb is on the summit of a hill near Wilno. Religious hatred of the famous ‘Arian’ (who evidently remained such until death) attributed to him an epitaph composed as he was about to die, breathing blatant materialism and atheism and abjuring all Christian faith; but it was early proved to be a forgery. Cf. Henryk Merczyng, ‘Polscy deiści i wolno myślicielski za Jagiellonów’, Przeglad Historyczny, xii (1911,), 3 f; Tadeusz Grabowski, Literatura Aryańska w Polsce (Arian Literature in Poland), Kraków, 1908, p. 99; Monumenta Poloniae Vaticana (Cracoviae, 1913-15), iv, 508, 542, 553.
6 After the accession of Heltai to their cause in 1569, they published more and more on his press at Kolozsvár, though subject to a censorship that prevented controversial or otherwise offensive works. Thus Bishop Enyedi’s Explicationes locorum Veteris & Novi Testamenti printed in 1597 was prohibited and many copies burned by order of Sigismund Báthory. It was clandestinely reprinted in Holland in 1670.
8 Mélius from his seat at Debreczen had done his best to rally the shattered remnants of Calvinism in Transylvania, but he died in 1572, and it was perhaps then that Alesius was made Superintendent of the surviving Reformed congregations.
12 As nearly as can be made out from the scattered and scanty data, Dávid seems to have been thrice married. The first wife, married in 1557 (Jakab, Dávjd, p. 212), who had borne him several children, died shortly before 1572(cf. letter of Paksj to Simler, Miscellanea Tigurina, ii, 216). The second was Catharine Barát, daughter of the Burgomaster, quite young and rich, whom he married in 1572 (ibid.). She sued him for divorce in 1574, and was still living at Kolozsvár in 1583 (cf. Possevino, Transilvania p. 131; id., De sectarjorum nostri temporjs atheismis, Coloniae, 1586, p. 84b). The third is mentioned by Biandrata in a letter to Palaeologus, 1578 (cf. Uzoni, Historia, i, 243).
14The veredict is given by Bod, Historia, i, 347-349; and by Jakab Elek, Oklevéltár Kolozsvár Története (Kolozsvár Historical Archives), Budapest, 1888, ii, 123. Cf. also Károly Szabó, ‘Dávid Ferencz Valopére,’ Erdély Protestans Közlöny, xi (1881), 340 f; Gergely Benczedi, same title, Kerészteny Magvetö, xx (1885), 363 ff. Haner’s brief account (Historia, p. 297 f) is exaggerated and marked by violent prejudice.
17 Cf. Epistolae et Acta, i, 130 f. These three villages had been a part of the endowment of an abbey at Kolozsvár, which had been taken over by the government when Isabella returned in 1551, and had now fallen again to the public treasury. Biandrata later sold them, and in 1581 Stephen bought them back again and gave them for the endowment of the Jesuit college.
20 At the Diet of Torda in 1572, the language of the decree confirming the rights of the Unitarian churches granted the previous year clearly implies that Dávid was not then regarded as Superintendent of the Unitarian churches, but only as their leading minister, the Superintendent referred to being doubtless Alesius of the Reformed Church, from which the Unitarians had not yet formally separated. Cf. Magyar Emlékek., ii, 528; Ő nagysága Dávid Ferenczet es az superintendenst hívassa hozzá.’ Benkö, op. cit., ii, 221.
22 Cf. Magyar Emlékek, iii, 108, 8. At this period Kolozsvár and Torda were almost entirely Unitarian. Calvinists had been tolerated there from 1572, but they were few in number, worshiping in private houses.
23 Cf. Magyar Em1ékek, iii, 122, 16; Benkö, op. cit., ii, 226; Peter Bod, Smirnai Szent Polikárpus (St. P. of Smyrna), Hermannstadt, 1766, p. 29 f. This apparently unjust restriction was perhaps at first made out of suspicion of the loyalty of the Szeklers who had been followers of Békés. The unwavering constancy of this group, during all the years of their orphanage, is noteworthy.
29 A subtle thread seems to connect this doctrinal episode in Poland and Transylvania with the sporadic band of heretics whose experiences at Heidelberg have been related in the previous volume (v. supra, vol. i, p. 258 ff). After escaping from prison in the Palatinate, Neuser fled for freedom to Poland, where under guidance of one of the ministers he reached Kraków on the same day as Sommer, also a religious exile, and thence the two went on together to Kolozsvár, where Neuser is said to have made such an impression that when he left, the brethren bought his manuscripts for a considerable sum. Fearing arrest here by spies of the Emperor, he sought refuge at Constantinople, where Palaeologus met him (cf. Lubieniecius, Historia, pp. 198-200). Neuser claimed to have been the first to urge that Christ should not be invoked in prayer, and his brief stay at Kolozsvár fell at about the time when (so it was said at Dávid’s trial) the non-invocation doctrine was first broached there. Glirius (alias Vehe), another of the Heidelberg group, was also a teacher at Kolozsvár under or soon after Palaeologus (cf. Possevino, Transilvania, pp. 104, 136). The whole of the controversy in both countries may therefore with some show of probability be traced back to Neuser as its fountain-head. Palaeologus, who had thus far been on intimate terms with both Biandrata and Dávid, returned to Poland before the flame burst out at Kolozsvár For fuller account of Sommer and Palaeologus, cf. Uzoni, Historia, i, 456-461.
32 A work of Mélius published in 1570 at Debreczen (Az egész Szent Irásból, etc.) shows non-adoration as already current. Cited by Ferencz Kanyaró, ‘Krisztus nem-imádás tana 1570-ben’ (Doctrine of the non-adoration of Christ in 1570), Keresztény Magvetö, xxx (1895), 310; id., Unitáriusok p. 99.
34 Ideoque per ilium et in nomine illius accedimus ad Patrem, et per illum et una cum ipso invocamus patrem, agnoscentes quod Pater omnia illi dederit, et ipse nobis omnia confert. Cf. Uzoni, op. cit., i, 376 f; Lampe, Historia, p. 147 1; also following the preface of Sommer’s book above cited.
35Quem colimus, et invocamus post Patrem, juxta ipsius praeceptum, et scriptam nobis ab Apostolis regulam, qui ilium invocarunt non tanquam Altissimum, sed tanquam illius filium; liber ii, caput iv, p. EEiib. The same confession is in Dávid’s Refutatio scripti Petri Melii (Albae Juliae, 1567), following the preface.
37 Quem et adoramus et osculamur et colimus; Lampe, Historia, p. 227, A year or two later Dávid would seem, however, still to be wavering on the subject. In his Az egy Attya Istennec . . . Istenségekröl (Of the deity of the one God the Father) Kolozsvár, 1571, he says (pp. AAaib, BBbiiia, b), Scripture commands us to pray to the Father through Christ . . . It is wrong to pray to the man Christ, because God says, Isa. xliii, that his honor should not be given to another; . . . else we become idolaters . . . The man Christ can not be prayed to, because he is not God in essence, and because he is not God eternal, and not creator of heaven and earth.
38 Adorat is qui corpus aut animum reverenter alicui inclinat, et coram eo venerabundus procumbit, etiamsi nihil ab eo petat. Invocat autem is qui, in necessitate constitutus, aut aliquid percupiens, confidenter alienan opem et benignitatem implorat; Socinus, Opera, ii, 757, repeated in i, 401; cf. also i, 57-61,and Valentinus Smalcius, De divinitate Jesu Christi (Racoviae, 1608), p. 141.
42 The primary source for this episode is the Defensio Francisci Davidis in negotio de non invocando Jesu Christi in precibus, said to have been compiled by Palaeologus and Francis Dávid the younger (Socinus, Opera, ii, 709), published first at Basel, where the younger David was a student, 1581, and then at Kolozsvár (?), 1582. It contains the written discussion between Dávid and Biandrata, the judgment of the Polish churches on the writings submitted to them, and a confutation of the same by Palaeologus, in which is inserted a writing addressed to him by brethren in Transylvania who took Dávid’s side. This last is passionately partisan, and needs to be carefully checked by Socinus’s Epistola Dedicatoria prefixed to his De Jesu Christi lnvocatione disputato (Opera, ii, 709-712). Later authorities are Miles, Würgengel, pp. 118-134 (who strangely dates the matter in the time of John Sigismund!, Bod, Historia, i, 430-435 and Uzoni, Historia, i, 242-255.
43 Partisans of Dávid in writing somewhat later to Palaeologus (Scriptum Fratrum Transylvanorum, in Defensio, p. 239, also quoted in Bod, Historta, i, 436) stated that the occasion of the whole trouble lay in the fact that Biandrata had been guilty of conduct seriously involving his private character, and that he, supposing that this had come to Dávid’s knowledge, felt so humiliated that he determined to bring about Dávid’s ruin, and to this end formed a deep plot to involve him in the crime of innovation. Such a sensational charge, brought forward some three years later by embittered enemies in the course of heated religious controversy, and not supported by any other evidence, is certainly open to suspicion of resting on gossipy rumor rather than on proved fact. But even if the charge be provisionally admitted as true, it is hardly adequate to account for the chain of events that are in question. There were older and far deeper causes at work; for as we have seen, ever since the death of John Sigsimund there had been increasing signs foreboding that sooner or later the Unitarian church would have to face the charge of innovation.
50 Socinus writing some seventeen years later says that Biandrata had summoned him from Base!; but this seems to be a mistake. The time required for a letter to go and Socinus to come would have been too great. Cf. Socinus, Opera, ii, 711.
53 Uzoni, i, 244, relays a story that Biandrata now tried to get Dávid removed from his office as chief pastor of the Kolozsvár church, and that when reproached for this he threatened to have Dávid condemned as an innovator at a Diet to be held at Kolozsvár at Martinmas But the story does not hang together well. Socinus declared that no such Diet was held at all, and the official records mention none. Cf. Socinus, Opera, ii, 710.
60 Several times mentioned in this connection are Demetrius Hunyadi, who was soon to succeed Dávid as Superintendent, Stephen Szatmár, Stephen Basilius, and Johańnes Eppel. Cf. Uzoni, Historia, i, 337.
61 Legend later magnified this conference into a synod of fifty ministers convoked by Biandrata, and made Socinus a participant in it; which Socinus flatly denied. Cf. Defensio, p. 244; Bod, Historia, i, 438; Socinus, Opera, ii, 710 f.
63 It was later reported that Socinus was one of these, but he denied this, saying that he did not go to Torda at all, being at the time ill at Kolozsvár. Cf. Defensio, p. 249; Bod, Historja, i, 440; Socinus, Opera, ii, 710.
65 Cf. Defensio, pp. 3-120; Socinus, Opera, ii, 713-766. See further pp. 767-803 containing Socinus’s later disputation with Christian Francken on the same subject, and further items of the discussion with Dávid.
67Judicium ecclesiarum Polonicarum de causa Francisci Davidis in quaestione de vera hominis Jesu Christi filii Dei viventis invocatione (Claudiopoli, 1579). Dated Belzyce, August 24, 1579, signed by Witrelin (Defensio, p. 200). It is not only the decision of the Polish brethren, for it gives at great length the argument from Scripture on which it is based; Defensio, pp. 121-219, followed by an even more elaborate Confutatio by Palaeologus, pp. 220-408. Cf. Reformacja w Polsce (Kraków), vii (1936), 30.
68The sources for the account of Dávid’s trial now to follow are Defensio, pp. 251- 273; reprinted in Bod, Historia, i, 445-450; Miles, Würgengel, pp. 122—535; Uzoni, Historia, i, 248-253; Magyar Emlékek, iii, 22-29.
69 Lucas Trauzner stood loyally by his father-in-law to the end of the trial, and narrowly missed having to share his sentence, but he managed to escape and fled to Baranya County beyond the Danube, where he was safe under the Turkish government. He there practiced his profession as a lawyer, but after 24 years he ventured in 1604 to return to Transylvania, when he was arrested and imprisoned for seven months at Déva. Upon professing to accept the Catholic faith he won Basta’s indulgence and was released. He then returned to Kolozavár and resumed the practice of his profession. Having presumably renounced the Catholic faith he finally became counselor and presiding judge under Prince Sigismund Rákóczi in 1607. Cf. Uzoni, Historia, ii, 627.
73 Cf. Socinus, loc. cit.; Uzoni, Historia, i, 252-260. In 1901 a memorial to Dávid was erected by Unitarians of Europe and America within the ruined walls of the castle at Déva; but it waslater destroyed at the time of the Romanian occupation.
74 His apologia is found in the Epistola Dedicatoria prefixed to his writing, De Jesu Christi Invocatione, which denies various false charges or misstatements in the Defensio. Socinus urged Biandrata to publish a confutation of the latter as soon as it appeared, but nothing came of it. He then urged the Polish Brethren to publish a reply; but when they learned that he had written that there is no express command about invoking Christ, and that though we may invoke him yet we are not bound to do so, they took offence and would not publish his work. As others still urged publication it was finally done in 1595 at the expense of a friend. Cf. Socinus, Operas ii, 709 f; Robert Spears, ‘Faustus Socinus and Francis Dávid,’ Monthly Repository of Theology (London), xiii (1818), 382-385.
1 Rövid magyarázat miképpen az Antichristus az igaz isrenröl való tudományt meghomályositotta, etc. (Brief exposition of how the Antichrist has obscured the true knowledge of God), Albae Juliae, 1567. Facsimile reprint, Kolozsvár, 1910, with appendix on the theology of Francis Dávid, by George Boros.
2 Dávid’s teaching about Jesus is most fully given in his Rövid Útmutatás, and in the Confession which he offered near the end of his life at the time of his preliminary trial before the Diet at Torda in April, 1579. Cf. Johannes Sommerus, Refutatio scripti Petri Carolii (Ingolstadii, 1582), following the preface; also in Uzoni, Historia, i, 247 f, See also Boros’s essay appended to Rövid maagyarázat cited above.
7 Kárádi’s letter was dated Nov. 9, while Dávid died Nov. 15. If the date of the letter is taken as Old Style, which was still prevalent in Turkish dominions, it could fall four days after the other date. As Temesvár was only some 75 miles west of Déva, there was sufficient time for the news to pass. Text in Uzoni, Historia, i, 260-264.
22 Opera, ii, 538 a. Cf. Uzoni, Historia, i, 481-485; Jakab, Adat, passim; Burian, Dissertatio, pp. 275-288; Epistolae et Acta, i, 210; ii, 30, 53; Benkó, Transsilvania, ii, 216; Leonardus Rubenus, De idolatria (Coloniae, 1597), p. 71; Illia, Ortus, p. 38; Haner, Historia, p. 304; Portrait in Kanyar6, Unitáriusok, p. 43; and in Vincenzo Malacarne, Commentario.. . Giorgio Biandrata, etc. di (Padova, 1814).
31 Cf. Akta metryki koronnej . . . Stefana Batorego, 1576-1586 (Records of the crown Archives of S. B.), ed. Pawinski (Warszawa, 1882), Żródło Dziejowe, xi, 291- 295; also in Pápai, Rudus, p. 157 f; Uzoni, Historia, i, 268; Lampe, Historia, p. 313. If Pápai’s version is authentic in using the name Unitarii (so also Illia, Ortus, p. 68) where other versions have Arii, it is perhaps the earliest documentary use of the name.
32This document is the more interesting for the evidence it gives that the Unitarians were still a party to be seriously taken into account. In the metropolis of the country at Kolozsvár they were strongly predominant.
33 Cf. Magyar Emlékek, iii, 248-257, 100; Uzoni, Historia, i, 268, 208; Lampe Historia, pp. 314-327. See also Relatio brevis ejectionis Societatis Jesu e Transilvania, in Epistolae et Acta, ii, 254-263; Bod, Historia, i, 458-466.
40 Cf. Bethlen, Historia, iii, 439 f, 459-487; Uzoni, Historia, i, 209 f; Bod, Historia, i, 468 f. Before a year had passed, Sigismund realizing that this treacherous act had covered his name with deep infamy, bitterly repented of it, saying that he had not ordered it of his own will, but had only permitted it after being incessantly urged thereto by his two chief political advisers, Francis Geszti and Stephen Bocskai, who must bear the chief blame. Cf. Bethlen, Historia, iii, 554 f.
47 Cf. Szabó, Könyvtár, i, 222; ii, 77, The most important works controverting it were: Benedictus Szent Király, Vindicatio locorum Veteris Tes tamenti, etc. (Marpurgi,1619); Theodorus Thummius, Controversia . . . adversum G. Eniedinum (Francofurti, 1620); Nyilas István Melotai, Speculum Trinitatis (Debreczen, 1622); Abraham Calovius, Theologia Naturalis (Lipsiae, 1646); Justus Feuerbornius, Anti-Eniedinum (Giessae, 1654,1658); Paulus P. Jász-Berényi, Examen doctrinae Ariano-Socininae (Londini, 1662); Johannes Henricus Bisterfeld, De uno Deo (Lugduni Batavorum, 1639); Ambrosius de Peńalosa, Opus egregium de Christi . . . divinitate . . . contra Eniedinum (Viennae, 1635).
1 Cf. Magyar Em1élek, iv, 551; Károly Veszély, Erdélyi Egyháztörténetelmi Adatok (Contributions to the church history of Transylvania), Kolozsvár, 1860, p. 233. In the records of this Diet is found the first known use of the word Unitaria in any public document.
3 The date was July 17, 1603. The site of the battle is variously designated. The most precise definition makes it at Rosenau, some eleven miles southwest of Brassó. Other authorities name the valley of Alabor near the paper-mill; also Apáczá. A monument was erected on the spot where the fallen were buried. It bore the pathetic inscription:
Quos genuit cives, hic Transylvania claudit.
Heu, parvo tumulo quanta ruina jacet!
13 For the best exhaustive study of Sabbatarianism, cf. Samuel Kohn, Die Sabbatharier in Siebenbürgen (Budapest, 1894), being a revised and abridged translation of the author’s A Sombatosok történetük, etc. (History of the Sabbatarians), Budapest, 1889. Cf. also László Köváry, ‘A Szombatosok irodalmi maradványai’ etc. (The literary remains . . . of the Sabbatarians), Keresztény Magvetö, xxi (1886), 6-20, 76-88, 142-152; Uzoni, Historia, i, 80-86.
20 It can not have failed to affect the fortunes of the Sabbatarians that Pécsi who, though nominally a Unitarian was at heart a confirmed Sabbatarian, was for twenty years from 1601 in offices of the highest influence under successive Princes, being at last Chancellor under Gabriel Bethlen. He will quietly have used his influence in favor of moderation.
23 He was the son of Matthew Radecki, long Secretary of the city of Danzig (v. supra ,i, 505). The chief pastor of Kolozsvár, when a fugitive in Poland in 1603-04 from the fury of Básta, was treated by him with great kindness and formed a warm friendship with him. Returning home he so strongly recommended Radecki that the authorities at Kolozsvár invited him to leave his post as Rector of the school at Lucławice and become Pastor of the Saxon Unitarian church at Kolozsvár (1605). He later became chief pastor, and was Superintendent 1616-32, succeeding Toroczkai. He was a fine scholar and an eloquent speaker, and though a Unitarian was highly regarded by Bethlen for his Latin scholarship. In his time Kolozsvár was terribly devastated and the rural churches were greatly weakened by the plague; but he did all possible in difficult circumstances to improve the discipline and good order of the churches. Taught by this experience of the inconvenience of having a Superintendent unable to speak their language, and thus hindered in giving them efficient supervision by visitations away from Kolozsvár, the Synod voted at his death that henceforth the Superintendent must always be a Hungarian. Cf. Uzoni, Historia, ii, 695-974.
27 The Reformed writers usually pass over this unsavory story very lightly (cf. Bod, Historia, ii, 312, Geleji, op. cit., preface.) The version here given is from Uzoni, Historia, ii 898-900, as handed down by contemporary Unitarian witnesses. Cf. also the Ms church histories of Szent Ábrahámi and Agh in the Unitarian library at Kolozsvár.
28 This simultaneum, as it was called, is still practiced by one little community, that at Fiatfalva near Székely-Keresztúr, where two separate congregations, each with its own minister, Bible, hymn-books and organ, use the church alternately, and attend each other’s worship.
29 As the church was responsible for both the religious and the secular education of the young, each well organized congregation employed a teacher whose office was only less important than that of the minister. He was often a minister awaiting settlement, or a theological student, and was in effect an assistant minister.
38 Cf. Kohn, op. cit., p. 225. Also Baron Zsigmond Kemény’s historical romance, A Rajongók (the Fanatics), in which Pécsi is the hero, and the sufferings of the Sabbatarians are described. Miklós Josika’s novels tell of persecutions under the Báthoris and the Rákóczis.
45 For the Consensus, see Uzoni, Historia, ii, 978 f; Bod, Historia, i, 451, ii, 304-306; Wallace, Antitrin., iii, 556 f; cf. supra, p. 86. For the confessions referred to above, see Uzoni, Historia, ii, 977 f; Bod, Historia, ii, 303 f.
46 Cf. Magyar Emlékek, x, 174-181; Uzoni, Historia, ii, 979-983; Bod, Historia, ii, 306—310; Sándor Szilágy, ‘Az Unitáriusok . . . s a deési Complanatio,’ etc. (The Unitarians and the Deés agreement), Keresztény Magvetö, ix (1874), 150 ff.
57 Among others, Christian Francken Rector of the school at Chmielnik, to be Professor at Kolozsvár, 1585-99; Valentin Radecki Rector of the school at Lucławice, to be Pastor of the Saxon church 1605, Superintendent 1616-32, and chief Pastor 1622-32; Joachim Stegmann Rector at Raków, to be Pastor of the Saxon church, 1632-33; Adam Franck Rector at Raków, to be Pastor of the Saxon church, 1633-55; Valentin Baumgart Rector at Lucławice to be Rector at Kolozsvár, 1648, and chief Pastor, 1661-72.
58 Cf. Uzoni, Historia, ii, 785-789; Kraus, Chronik, iv, 149; Benkö, Transsilvania, ii, 582-584 Elek Jakab, ‘Magyar-Lengyel Unitárius Erintkezések’ (Intercourse between Hungarian and Polish Unitarians), Századok (Budapest), xxvi (1892), 298-316; 474-494; Székely, Történetei, p. 208 f; Lubieniecius, Historia, p. 297 f.
63 One was at Bánffy Hunyad, about 30 miles west of Kolozsvár; one at Adámos on the Küküllö, about fifteen miles southwest of Maros-Vásárhely, and a small one was at Arkos in the Szekerland, north of Sepsi-Szent György. In these places the Poles being few worshiped with the Hungarian congregation though holding separate services when they were able and observing baptism and the Lord’s Supper after the Polish usage. But this practice was soon discouraged by the synod for fear of schism arising
64 Cf. Elek Jakab, ‘Adalékok a Magyar és lengyel Unitáriusok közötti viszony,’ etc (Ancient relations between Hungarian and Polish Unitarians), Keresztény Magvetô, xxix (1894), 316-324; and the same author’s article in Századok above mentioned, pp. 1-43; Domokos Simén, ‘Origo piarum fundationum apud Polonos Claudiopoli collectos, Keresztény Magvetö, xi (1876), 335-339; Tadeusz Grabowski, Literatura Aryańska w Polsce (Arian Literature in Poland), Kraków, 1908, pp. 346, 488.
2 Cf. Uzoni, Historia, ii, 680-689; Bod, Historia, ii, 192-194. Quatuor receptae :religiones nullo unquam modo, ternpore, et praetextu, in suo libero exercitio turbentur sed omnes ecciesiae, templa, scholae, parochiae, in suo usibus, cultibus, terminis, proventibus, privilegiis et consuetudinibus, hactenus usitatis, in etiam eorum ministr in suo ministerio honore et libertate jntacte conserventur.
10 Cf. Uzoni, op. cit., ii, 676. Responses were prompt and generous. From the home churches 1,688 Hungarian florins were subscribed, besides generous gifts of material; and sixteen months after the fire the new building was roofed in. From the churches in Holland there were given in the next year 9,500 florins. The correspondence is extant in the Remonstrant library at Rotterdam (Ms 529), and the elaborate letter of thanks, signed by the Superintendent and all the District Superintendents in the name of the churches, dated 1700, is given in Uzoni, op. cit., pp. 677-679. Cf. also W. J. Kühler, Socinianisme in Nederland (Leiden, 1912), p. 205.
12 In order to have the right background for judging this period of persecution, it needs to be borne in mind that of old in Transylvania churches and schools had at first been built at public expense, and were thus the possession of the whole community. When the Reformation came the Catholics had in most communities been dispossessed by the overwhelming Protestant majority; for in all Transylvania there were only five towns in the Hungarian counties in which Catholic churches remained, besides those in four remote Szekler districts. Cf. József Ferencz, Kleiner Unitarier-Spiegel (Wien, 1879), p. 20. But as the religious complexion of the communities gradually changed after the death of King John and under the Catholic revival, and the Unitarians became proportionately weaker under the increasing pressure of persecution upon them, the other confessions naturally urged their claims to a share of the common church and school property in various communities. The Catholics moreover were disposed to claim that even when usurped by Protestants the churches had always remained the property of the Catholic Church, and to demand restitution whenever even a small proportion of the population asserted their claim. If the Catholic administration now supported their claim by force, the Unitarians would naturally feel unjustly deprived of what had for generations been regarded as theirs. With rights so mixed, and patience and consideration so seldom shown, violence was bound to occur, and the issue was likely often to be settled by superior force rather than by peaceable means.
18 From the time when Transylvania was liable any day to be suddenly raided by Tatars or Turks, the stone church of the village was the only place to which the inhabitants might flee for safety from the enemy, and it thus became a fortress, often surrounded by a high stone wall, which could withstand siege. Within this wall, or in the church itself, as a place of general safe-deposit, the people would store their most valuable treasures, their fine clothing, and even their staple provisions. The same tradition was sometimes followed even in towns where it was less necessary, and it is continued to this day in many of the rural villages.
19 Confessio fidei Christianae secundum Unitarios, etc. (Kolozsvár, 1719), 7 pp., 40. Incorporated in Uzoni, Historia, ii,1139 ff. This Confession was originally composed by Benedict Wiszowaty, minister to the exile church at Andreaswalde in East Prussia (whose son Andrew was minister to the exile church at Kolozsvár, 1724-35), and was dedicated to the Elector of Brandenburg at a time when danger threatened the Unitarians under his government (v. supra, vol. i, p. 516,n. 14).
25 Summa universae theologiae Christianae secundum Unitarios (Claudiopoli, 1787). The author’s name nowhere appears, hence it was sometimes attributed to George Márkos, Professor of Theology at Kolozsvár, who prepared it for publication. Hungarian trans., A Keresztény hittudomany összege az Unitáriusok szerint (Kolozsvár), 1899. Cf. W. C. L. Ziegler, ‘Kurze Darstellung des eigenthümlichen Lehrbegriffs,’ etc., Neues Magazin für Religionsphilosophie, iv (1800), 201-276.
26 Cf. Sándor Bodóczy, ‘Maria Therezia egyházpolitikája és annak következménnye az Unitárius egyházban’ (M. T.’s ecclesiastical policy and itsresults on the Unitarian Church), Keresztény Magvetö, xliii (1908), 20-30, 84-93.
1 For the text, cf. Johannes Borbis, Evangelisch, pp. 119-121; and Gustav Frank, Der Toleranz — Patent Kaiser Josephs II (Wien, 1882), pp. 37-41. A similar edict for Transylvania was issued a few weeks later. Cf. August Ludwig von Schlözer, Staatsanzeiger (Göttingen, 1782), i, 150.
7 For other brief notices in this period, cf. Henry Maty’s New Review (London), vii (1663), 477; Robinson, Researches, 1792, p. 627 ff; Robert Adam, Religious World Displayed (Edinburgh, 1809), ii, 150, briefly reviewed in Monthly Repository, vii (1812), 82 f; Thomas Rees, Racovian Catechism (London, 1818), p. xli ff.
11 The letter was in Latin, dated Kolozsvár, August 31, 1821, and addressed to Fox and Aspland. It gave a brief account of the organization, condition and history of the church in Transylvania, reported 120 congregations and 40,000 members, and requested further correspondence. Cf. Monthly Repository, xvii (1922), 437 f; translation in Christian Reformer (London), viii (1822), 253; Dionysius Lörinczy, ‘The Hungarian Unitarian Church,’ Transactions of Unitarian Historical Society (London), iii (1923), 20-39.
13Utazas észek Amerikaban (Travels in North America), Kolozsrár, 1824. See also his letter to Fox, giving an ‘Account of the Unitarians of Transylvania,’ and reporting a membership of 47,000; published in Monthly Repository, N. S. v (1831), 648-651.
14 Said to have been younger brother of the statesman Charles Sumner. Cf. Charles Lowe, ‘The Unitarians of Hungary,’ Monthly Journal of the American Unitarian Association (Boston), ix (1868), 423-426.
17 For a picture of this period in the form of historical fiction, see Maurus Jókai, Egy az Isten (God is One); translated into German with the title, Die nur einmal lieben, and into English (abridged) as Manasseh. Cf. John Fretwell, The Christian in Hungarian Romance (Boston, 1901). The hero of the story is a Toroczkó pacifist Unitarian.
19 Cf. Ferencz, Spiegel. p. 25. When the Protestant confessions reorganized their institutions after the Reformation, they gave the administrative head the title of Superintendent. For a long time they preferred this title as tending to break the chain of ideas associated with the title of Bishop. But as time went on, in the period of Catholic supremacy, the title of Superintendent came by contrast to betoken an inferior dignity; and under the new order of things the title of Bishop (which had all along been more or less employed unofficially) was authorized as official, and taken as signifying an ecclesiastical rank equal to the other, thus indicating that the four received religions were recognized as of equal rank. Cf. Elek Jakab, ‘Az unitárius püspöki jogosultsága’ (The right to the title of Unitarian Bishop), Keresztény Magvetö, xxviii (1893), 199-205.
20 Cf. Christian Reformer, N.S. xiii (1857), 301-304, 374-378, Quarterly Journal of American Unitarian Association (Boston), iv (1857), p. 486 f; v (1858), 234-241; Inquirer (London), xvii (1858), 815 f.
21 In the matter of statistics the Transylvanian churches continued the Catholic custom of numbering not merely the confirmed adult membership, but the whole population of the church families, of whatever age. Thus, when taken by western standards, the membership would be much smaller than the statistics indicate.
22 John Paget (1808-‘92), born near Loughborough in Leicestershire, educated at the Unitarian Manchester College at York, studied medicine, and traveled widely in southeastern Europe. His Hungary and Transylvania (2 vols., London, 1839) did much to make those countries better known. He married a Hungarian baroness and settled in Transylvania where he promoted scientific agriculture. He endowed an English chair at the Unitarian College at Kolozsvár in memory of his son. Cf. János Kovács, ‘Paget János, Esq. Életirata’ (Life of J. P., Esq.), Keresztény Magvetö, xxviii (1893), 96-1. Portrait.
23 A foundation for intelligent interest in their cause had been laid in 1846 when Stephen Kovács contributed an informing article (much the best, hitherto), annotated Paget, an ‘Antitrinitarianism in Transylvania,’ to J. R. Beard’s Unitarianism Exhibited (London, 1846), pp. 296-315.
25 Which however was unfortunately clouded by the fact that Mr. Tagart was taken seriously ill on his return journey, and died at Brussels on October 12. This broken ion was supplemented in 1859 by a visit from the Rev. S. A. Steinthal of Manchester, Kilt out by the Association. Cf. his published account infra.
28 Published accounts of these visits give a more vivid contemporary sense of the life of the Unitarian churches during this period than any purely historical narrative could do. Cf. S. A. Steinthal, ‘Account of a Visit to Transylvania,’ Christian Reformer, N. S. xv (1859), 477-489, 530-538; also Inquirer, June 25, 1859; J. J. Tayler, ‘Narrative of a Visit,’ etc., Theological Review (London), vi (1869), 2-48, also separately; Alexander Gordon, Tercentennial Commemoration of Francis Dávid (London, 1879); Chalmers, Recollections; Henry Ierson, Report of a Visit to Hungary (London, 1891); Tagart, op. cit. See also articles by American visitors in Unitarian Review (Boston), ii (1874), 357; xvii (1882), 38; xxiii (1885), 134; xxiv (1885), 33, 117 Monthly Journal, x (1869), 83, 396.
32 Cf. ‘The situation in Transylvania, and an appeal for help,’ Christian Register (Boston), Jan. 15, 1920; Louis C. Cornish, Transylvania in 1922 (Boston, 1923); id., The Religious Minorities in Transylvania (Boston, 1925); John M. Cabot, The Racial Conflict in Transylvania (Boston, 1926); Roumania Ten Years After (Boston, 1928). Also for ex parte treatments (to be read with critical caution), Henrietta M. Tichner, Roumonia and her Religious Minorities (London, 1925); Zsombor de Szász, The Minorities in Roumanian Transylvania (London, 1927); Sylvius Dragomir, The Ethnical Minorities in Transylvania (Geneva, 1927).
34 Cited by Athanase Coquerel, Fils, ‘Une Visite aux Chrétiens Unitaires de Transylvania,’ Revue Politique et Littéraire (Paris), 2e série, iii (1873), 426. Cf. also Elek Jakab, ‘Egyháztörtenelmi Adatok’ (Contributions to Church History), Keresztény Magvetö, xviii (1883), 388 ff; id., Unitáriusok, 388-399.
36 Cf. Révész, Kováts and Ravasz, Hungarian Protestantism (Budapest, 1927), pp. 123-127; Ferencz, Account, pp. 12-16; György Tóth, Az Unitárius Egyház Szervezete (The organization of the Unitarian Church), 3 vols. (Cluj-Kolozsvár, 1922); Stephen Borbély, Article on the Constitution of the Hungarian Unitarian Church, in Christian Seedsower (Birmingham), no. 1, 1922.
3 Cf. D.N.B., s. v.; Thomas Crosby, History of the English Baptists (London, 1738),i, 20 f; Alexander Gordon, Heresy (London, 1913), pp. 16-18, 59 f; John Foxe, Acts and Monuments (London, 1870), iii, 221-234.
12 Cf. David Wilkins, Concilia Magnae Britanniae (London, 1737), iv, 40-42; John Strype, Memorials of Thomas Cranmer (Oxford, 1840), i, 255-257; Monthly Repository of Theology (London), vii (1822), 222,
13 Cf. Strype, Memorials, II, i, 375-382; id., Cranmer (Oxford, 1822), i, 335-346; John S. Burn, History of the French, Walloon, Dutch and other Protestant Refugees settled in England (London, 1846), passim; Bonet-Maury, Sources, pp. 60-66, 115-136; The King’s Letters Patent in Burn, op. cit., pp. 265-268, and in Bonet-Maury, pp. 236-243. There were also churches of foreigners in a score or so of other centers.
14 Cf. Burnet Abridgment ii 82 Wilkins Concilia iv, 44 f; Neal Puritans, i, 50; Monthly Repository, vii (1812), 439-442; Christian Relormer (London), iv (1818), 329; Wallace, Antitrin., ii, 124-127; Evans, English Baptists, i, 80; D. N. B., s. v.
18 Reprinted in part, with comments, in Theophilus Lindsey, Historical View of the State of the Unitarian Doctrine, etc. (London, 1783), p. 92 ff; Strype, Memorials, III, 1, 434 f, 469, III, ii, 363-380; Wallace, Antitrin., i. 23 ff; Joseph Henry Allen, Historical Sketch of the Unitarian Movement (New York, 1894), p. 19 f; John Philpot, Examinations and Writings (Parker Society), Cambridge, 1842, pp. 293-318.
21 Cassiodoro de Reyna, said to have been an avowed Servetian, was minister of the Spanish congregation, 1558-63; but he afterwards fell into disgrace, fled the country, and eventually returned to the Catholic Church. Cf. Henri Tollin, ‘Cassiodore de Reina’ Bulletin de la Societé de l’histoire du Protestantisme Français (Paris), xxxi (1882), 385-397; xxxii (1883), 241-250. 289-298.
24 Cf. Strype, op. cit., p. 66. Acontius, born in the Trentino probably in 1492, after first studying for the priesthood, later chose the law. He next pursued military science, and spent several years in the service of the Duke of Pescara and at the court of the Spanish Viceroy at Milan. Having become Protestant he left Italy in 1557 and took refuge at Zürich with Ochino, was for a time at Basel where he associated with the group of Italian liberals, and then at Strassburg where he met English exiles, whom he later joined in England after their return thither. He became a member of the Strangers’ Church, was granted citizenship in 1561, and was in such favor with the Queen that although the Bishop had excommunicated him in the same year he dedicated his most important religious work to her in 1565. Cf. Peter Bayle, Dictionary, Historical and Critical, ed. 2 (London, 1734-38), s. v.; Monthly Repository, xvi (1821), 456-458; Bonet-Maury, Sources, chap. viii; Francesco Ambrosi, Jacopo Aconcio (Trieste, 1888); Walther Köhler, Acontiana (Heidelberg, 1932); Erich Hassinger, Studien zu J. Acontius (Berlin, 1934); D. N. B., s. v.; Louis Anastase Guichard, Histoire du Socinianisme (Paris, 1723), pp.261-264.
25 Twenty-five editions in all are known, the latest and best being that edited by Walther Köhler (München, 1927). Gives full bibliography. Cf. Daniel Gerdes, Scrinium Antiquarium (Groningen, 1762), vii, 123-133; id., Historia Reformationis (Groningen, 1749), iii, 147; Observationes Selectae (Halle, 1700-05), vi, 204-230; Lindsey, Historical View, pp. 73-84; Girolamo Tiraboschi, Storia della Letteratura Italiana (Modena, 1824), vii, 559,700, 818; Edoardo Ruffini Avonda, ‘Gli “Stratagemata Satanae” di GiacomoAconcio,’ Rivista Storia Italiana (Torino, 1928), xiv, 113-141, and that by G. Rŕdetti (Firenze, 1945). English trans., Satan’ Stratagems (San Francisco, 1940); Thomas Crenius, Animadversiones philologicae et historicae (Lugduni Batavorum, 1695), ii, 30.
28 Cf. Thomas Fuller, Church History of Great Britain (London, 1837), ii, 508, quoted by Crosby, English Baptists, i, 69-74; John Strype, Annals of the Reformation, II, i, 564; Neal, Puritans, i, 273; Wallace, op. cit., i, 35 f; Evans, English Baptists, i, 138-164; Edward B. Underhill, Struggles and Triumph of Religious Liberty (New York, 1851), pp. 179-190.
29 Cf. Wallace, op. cit., iii, 554-556; Theophilus Lindsey, Apology on Resigning the Vicarage of Catterick, ed. 4 (Dublin, 1775), 226-239; Wilkins, Concilia, iv, 282; Gordon, Heresy, p. 24; Fuller, op. cit., iv, 387 f; Crosby, loc. cit.; Fuller, op. cit., iv, 387 ff; Neal, Puritans, loc cit.
30 Cf. a spectator’s account by William Burton, in David’s Evidence (1602), quoted in Christian Moderator (London), i, 37 (June 1, 1826); Wallace, Antitrin., i, 7-39; Fuller, Church History, iii, 66f; Strype, Annals, III, ii, 73; D. N. B., s. vv.
31 In addition to those spoken of above, perhaps brief mention should be made in passing of three others whose names occur in the record, information about whom is scanty, vague or disputed. So Christopher Vitells (or Viret), the first Familist preacher in England, who saved his life by recanting (Gordon, Heads, p. 16). Also Christopher Marlowe (1564-’93), the dramatist contemporary with Shakspere, who is said to have denied God and his Son Christ, blasphemed the Trinity, and written against it, though the charge is denied as a Puritan libel (Wallace, Antitrin, i, 40-42; Wood, Athenae, i 338; Monthly Repository, ix (1814), pp. 117, 302; Theophilus Cibber, Lives of the Poets, etc. (London, 1753), i, 85 f). So also Thomas Mannering, Anabaptist of Norfolk who denied the deity of Christ, declaring that he was only a man, though endowed with infinite power from God. Against him Alexander Gill published a Treatise concerning the Trinity in 1601. What became of him is not of record (Wallace, Antitrin., i, 39; ‘Wood, Athenae, i, 602; John Masson, Life of John Milton (Cambridge, 1859), iii, 157, 385, 389).
34 Cf. Fuller, Church History, iii, 252-255; John Locke, Works (London, 1824), ix, 188-197; Crosby, English Baptists, i, 107; Lindsey, Historical View, pp. 289-294; id., Apology, pp. 47-51; id., Conversations on Christian Idolatry (London, 1792), p. 119 f; Christian Reformer, N. S., xi (1884), 100, 227 f, 343; Wallace, Antitrin., ii, 530-534; ‘Florence Gregg, Bartholomew Legate, the last of the Smithfield Martyrs (London, 1886), historical fiction.
36 Cf. Fuller, Church History. iii, 255; Neal Puritans, i, 259; Crosby, English Baptists, i, 108, Appendix i; Wallace, Antitrin., ii, 534-539,iii, 565-568; Lindsey, Apology, pp. 52-55; Christian Reformer, N. S. xi (1844), 99-103, 227 f, 343.
38Archbishop Tillotson thus spoke in warm appreciation of the Socinians and of their temperate manner in doctrinal controversy. Cf. his sermon on the Divinity of our blessed Saviour, Works (London, 1820), iii, 310 f, quoted by Krasinski, Reformation in Poland, ii, 407.
45 Cf. Pierre des Maizeaux, Historical and Critical Account . . . of Chillingworth (London, 1725); Tulloch, Rational Theology, i, chap. iv; D. N. B., s. v.; Robert Aspland, ‘Brief Memoir of Mr. Chillingworth,’ Monthly Repository, ix (1814), I, 337, 206; Biographia Britannica (London, 1747-66), iii, 508-518.
46The items in the controversy were: Edward Knott (pseud.), Charity Mistaken (1630); Christopher Potter, Want of Charity justly charged (1633); Knott, Mercy and Truth (1634); id., A Direction to be observed by N. N. (Chillingworth) (1636);Shillingworth, The Religion of Protestants a Safe Way to Salvation (1638).
3 In London in 1644 a preacher at a religious meeting in Bell Alley declared that ‘though Christ was a prophet and did miracles, yet he was not God; and near Coleman Street there was a society denying the divinity of Christ, under the leadership of a certain Welchman. Cf. Bonet-Maury, Sources, p. 197.
12 v. his Accuser Sham’d (London, 1648), to which a denial of the Trinity is appended; and The Clergy in their True Colors (1650). Cf. Wood, Athenae, ii, 359-361; Bulstrode Whitelock, Memorials of English Affairs (Oxford, 1853), iii, 291; D. N. B., s.v.
18 Cf. Paul Best, Mysteries Discovered (London, 1647), the first Socinian book published in England; Whitelock, Memorials, i, 565, 572; ii, 2, 4f, 181; Neal, Puritans, iii, 266; Monthly Repository, viii (1813), 109; ‘Paul Best, the Unitarian Confessor,’ Christian Reformer, ix, N. S. (1853), 493-503; Wallace, Antitrin., iii, 161-167; D. N.B., s. v.
19 The text in full in Crosby, English Baptists, i, 197-205; Wallace, Antitrin., iii, 588-590; cf. Neal, Puritans, iii, 418-425; Toulmin, Biddle, pp. 59-65; Henry Scobell, Collection of Acts and Ordinances (London, 1658), p. 149 f.
20 The name is variously spelled. He was baptized and was matriculated at Oxford as Bidle, but later in life (cf. U. H. S., London, vi, 236, 1937) he used the form Biddle. In an age when persons were often inconsistent in the spelling of even their own names, forms were used indifferently, sometimes even in the same writing in contemporary works as late as the quarto “Unitarian Tracts” toward the end of the century.
Cf. (John Farrington), Johannis Biddelli (Angli) Academiae Oxoniensis quondam Artium Magistri celeberrimi vita (Londinii, 1682); (Anon.), Short account of the life of John Bidle, M. A., in vol. i of “Unitarian Tracts” (London, 1691); Wood, Athenae, ii, 299-306, also reprinted in Monthly Repository, xiv (1818), 345-349, 413-419; Crosby, English Baptists, i, 206-216; Biog. Brit., ed. 2 (London, 1778-1793), ii, 302-309, s. v.; Whitelock, Memorials, ii, 204; iv, 160; Neal, Puritans, iv, 122 f; Toulmin, Biddle; Wallace, Antitrin., iii, 173-206; D. N. B., s. v.
25 Eight years later Estwick completed his confutation of these three early writings of Biddle, which had recently all been revised and reissued in 1653, in a book of over 500 pp., entitled Mr. Bidle's Confession of Faith, etc. (London, 1656), but while really confuting the Confession, he mistakenly supposed it to be the now notorious Catechism, of which he evidently had only hearsay knowledge. Cf. Wallace, Antitrin., i,131 f.
27 Cf. (Stephen Nye), 'Grounds and Occasions of the Controversy,' etc., p. 16, in vol. v of "Unitarian Tracts" (London, 1698); Walter H. Burgess, 'John Knowles and Henry Hedworth; Transactions of Unitarian Historical Society (London), v (1931), 1-16; Alexander Gordon, `John Cooper, the Cheltenham Unitarian,' Christian Life (London), xxv, 128, March 18, 1899; id., `John Cooper of Cheltenham, 1622-1665,' id. op., xliv, 278, Aug. 30, 1919; correcting Wallace, Antitrin., iii, 360-362, and John Goding, `The History of Unitarianism at Cheltenham,’ Christian Reformer (London), xi, N. S. (1844), 386-391.
29 This has been incorrectly spoken of as a Unitarian congregation, and the earliest in England. But the name Unitarian did not begin to be used in England until a decade after this. The group was undoubtedly Antitrinitarian, for Cooper's intimate relations were with those that inclined that way.
34 The items in it were: Knowles, A Friendly Debate . . . concerning the Divinity of Jesus Christ (London, 1650); Eaton, the Mystery of God Incarnate (London, 1650); do., A Vindication, or further Confirmation . . . to prove the Divinity of Christ (London, 1651). These last two were large volumes, answering Knowles's small book.
35 Cf. Robert Ferguson, justification only upon Satisfaction . . . asserted against the Socinians (London, 1668); Knowles, An Answer to Mr. Ferguson's book . . . wherein he is friendly reproved, fully silenced, and clearly instructed (London, 1668).
41This has sometimes been called the first Unitarian church in England; but there appears no evidence that it was organized as a church, or was more than an informal meeting of people of kindred mind; and in any case the name Unitarian did not become current in England until somewhat later.
49 Namely: Samuel Przypcovius, The Life of that Incomparable Man, Faustus Socinus Senensis; Joachim Stegmann, Sr., Brevis Disquisitio; or, a Brief Inquiry touching a better way than is commonly made use of, to refute Papists, and reduce Protestants to Certainty in Religion (also reprinted in The Phenix (London), ii, 315-347 (1708); Przypcovius, Dissertatio de Pace, etc., or, A Discourse concerning the Peace and Concord of the Church, also in The Phenix, ii(1708), 348-390. All these were issued in 1653 in London, with no author's name given.
52 Although the Racovian Catechism had already been in print in England for two years, the present Catechism is in no sense a rehash of that, and shows few traces, if any, of its influence. The choice of topics and the order of them are as different as possible, and the manner of treatment of them is quite unlike. The answers are exclusively in the language of Scripture. The Catechism for Children, again, is not a mere abridgment of the other, having less than half as many chapters, and being different in order and contents.
Ten years later both these Catechisms were translated into Latin for the use of foreign scholars, by Nathanael Stuckey, a lad of fifteen, whom Biddle had assisted in his studies, and whose widowed mother was one of Biddle's congregation. Upon his premature death soon after, she offered to take into her vacant home two children of the exiled Polish minister, Christopher Crellius, and to take care of their education. Appended to this translation is also a letter from Danzig, addressed to Biddle by Jeremias Felbinger, a recent German convert, expressing his joy at the accession of Biddle to the party of the Antitrinitarians. Cf. F. S. Bock, Bibliotheca Antitrinitariorum (Regiomonti et Lipsiae, 1774-84), i, 348; Wallace, Antitrin., iii, 326-328, 591; Monthly Repository, xi(1816), 633 ff.
57 Cf. John Brayne, The Divinity of the Trinity cleared, etc. (also printed under the title, Mr. John Biddle's Strange and New Trinity) (London, 1654), in answer to Biddle's Apostolical and True Opinion concerning the Holy Trinity as reprinted in 1653.
63 Respectively: Two letters of Mr. John Biddle, late prisoner in Newgate, but now hurried away to some remote island; A True State of the case of Liberty of Conscience . . . together with a True Narrative of the cause, and manner, of Mr. John Biddle's sufferings; The Spirit of Persecution again broken loose . : . against Mr. John Biddle, etc.; The Petition of divers gathered Churches . . . for declaring the Ordinance . . . for punishing Blasphemies and Heresies null and void. All, London, 1555. Cf. also Crosby, English Baptists, i, 209-215;Wallace, Antitrin., ii, 196-201.
2 Cf. Neal, op. cit., iv, 324-330. This Act was followed in 1664by the Conventicle Act, condemning to banishment or death any refusing to go to Church, and forbidding any to hold or attend any religious meeting except those of the Church of England, under pain of imprisonment, fine or banishment. Again in 1665,by the Five-Mile Act, forbidding nonconformist ministers to come within five miles of any city or town where they had ministered, or to teach in any school, under heavy fine. Finally in 1673 by the Test Act, requiring any holder of public office to receive the sacrament in Church in public, under pain of a fine of Ł500. Cf. Neal, iv, 357 f, 366 f, 422f, all summarized, 423 f.
3 So given in Edmund Calamy, Nonconformist's Memorial, ed. 2 by Samuel Palmer (London, 1778), i, pref., p. 1, n. The figure usually given is the round number of 2,000. But A. G. Mathews, Calamy Revised (Oxford, 1934), p. xiii, reduces the number to 1760, besides 149 from Universities and schools.
5 Of the ejected clergy themselves the only one known to have adopted Unitarian views later was William Manning, an Independent of Peasenhall, Suffolk, who was converted to them by reading Dr. Sherlock's Vindication of the Trinity (1690). Cf. Wallace, Antitrin., iii, 495-503. v. infra, p. 219.
6John Crellius Francus, The Two Books touching One God the Father (Kosmoburg London, 1665), with rubricated title. The same sheets reissued with the title, The Unity of God asserted and defended, etc. (London, 1691).
16 A Treatise on Christian Doctrine, compiled from the Holy Scriptures alone (London, 1825). The publication at once occasioned the writing of two famous essays on Milton: by Macaulay in the Edinburgh Review, xlii (1825),304-346; and by Channing in the Christian Examiner (Boston), iii (1826), 29-77. Cf. Wallace, Antitrin., iii, 328-357.
20 The most important notices were a series of six successive monthly articles by the Independent scholar, the Rev. John Pye Smith, in the Evangelical Magazine, N. S. iv (1826);and one in the Monthly Repository, xx (1825), 609, 687, 748;also the Rev. John Evans's articles, id. op., xx, 710-713;xxi, 724-731.Cf. Francis E. Mineka, ‘The Critical Reception of Milton's De Doctrina Christiana,’ University of Texas Studies in English (Austin, 1943), pp. 115-147.
21Cf. Martin A. Larson, ‘Milton and Servetus; a study in the Sources of Milton's Theology,’ Publications of the Modern Language Association of America, xli, no. 4 (Dec., 1926), pp. 891-934; Louis Aubrey Wood, The Form and Origin of Milton's Antitrinitarian Conception (London, Ont., 1911). The latter of these two refers to the influence of Ochino's Dialogues of 1563.
23 In three editions (n. p., 1675); reprinted in Somers, Collection of . . . Tracts (London, 1748-51), ser. I, vol. iii, pp. 329-338; and with introduction by Bp. Henson (London, 1919); answered by (Gilbert Burnet), A Modest Survey of . . . Naked Truth; (Francis Turner), Animadversions upon . . . Naked Truth; (Peter Gunning), Lex Talionis; defended by (Andrew Marvell), Mr. Smirke; or, The Divine in Mode, all (London, 1676) reprinted in part in "Unitarian Tracts," v, last essay. Cf. Ethyn W. Kirby, "The Naked Truth": a Plan for Church Unity,' Church History, vii (1935). 45-61.
24 Cf. Life of Mr. Thomas Firmin, late Citizen of London (London, 1698), including Sermon on his death, and An Account of Mr. Firmin's Religion; Alexander Gordon, ‘Thomas Firmin, Unitarian Philanthropist,’ in his Addresses Biographical and Historical (London, 1922); Harold W. Stephenson, ‘A Seventeenth Century Philanthropist,’ U. H. S. (London), vol. vi; Wallace, Antitrin., iii, 272-389.
31 Of these tracts there were five successive collections, dated from 1691 to 1703, each with a numbered title. The first three were subsidized by Firmin. Those published after his death seem to have modified their scope, and included new contributors. A sixth collection is sometimes mentioned, but no copy is found with the usual title, and as such copies vary in contents they are doubtless collections individually made and bound up. For lists of contents, and descriptions, see Wallace, Antitrin., i, 229 f; 236 f; 265 f; 361 f; iii, 604-607;Herbert McLachlan, 'Seventeenth Century Unitarian Tracts,' in his The Story of a Non-conformist Library (Manchester, 1925), pp.53-87;Hunt, Religious Thought, ii, 273-278; iii, 604-607.
32 A Preservative against Socinianism: showing the direct and plain opposition between it, and the religion revealed by God in the Holy Scriptures (Oxonii, 1698-1703).Issued in four separate parts variously dated; the first in 1693.
33 Cf. 'Considerations on the Explications of the Doctrine of the Trinity,' Unitarian Tracts, iii (1695), 66-68; also ‘A Discourse concerning the Nominal and Real Trinitarians,’ id. op., vol. iii. Both anonymous, but by Nye. Wallace, Antitrin., i, 340-342.
34 There were those that were more impressed by his tendencies toward heresy than by his countless services to philanthropy. One such felt moved in the following year to preach in St. Paul's before the Aldermen a sermon on 'A False Faith not justified by care for the poor. Proved in a sermon' by the Rev. Luke Milbourn; but he was soon suitably answered in a published 'vindication.'
37Cf. `The Agreement of the Unitarians with the Catholic Church,' Unitarian Tracts, vol. iii (1697); and 'The Grounds and Occasions of the Controversy concerning the Unity of God,' etc., id. op. (1698).
39 In particular, Biddle's followers rejected the Socinian idea of the invocation of Christ as a subordinate divine being, and that of the natural mortality of man; while they added the conception of the Holy Spirit as an angel, and the doctrine of the essential immortality of the soul.
42 Cf. Georgius Bullius, Defensio Fidei Nicaenae, etc. (Oxonii, 1685); also in his Works (Oxford, 1846), vol. v; Eng. trans., Library of Anglo-Catholic Theology (Oxford, 1851). Supplementary to this was his Judicium Ecclesiae Catholicae, etc. (Oxonii1694); also in his Works, vol. vi; Eng. Trans. As above, 1855.
45 Cf. Robert Nelson, Life of Dr. George Bull (London, 1713), p. 280 ff; Abbey and Overton, The English Church in the Eighteenth Century (London, 1878), i, 484-486; Wallace, Antitrin., i, 184-187; Patrick Fairbairn's Review appended to J. A. Dorner's History of the Development of the Doctrine of the Person of Christ (Edinburgh, 1863), 340-350.
50 Cf. his Disquisitiones Modestae in Clarissimi Bulli Defensionem Fidei Nicaenae (Londini, 1718). See also Whitby's reply to Dr. Waterland's objections (in two parts) (London, 1720, 1721). Cf. Sparks, Collection of Essays, ii, 19-21.
59 The German theologian Abraham Calovius in his Dissertationes Theologicae Rostochienses, etc. (Rostochii, 1637), p. 6, says of South that "in a subject that requires the greatest sobriety of style he has vented his fury in a way so boisterous . . . that if a system of scurrility were to be compiled, I know not where the materials are to be so plentifully found as in his writings."
61 The items of most importance, after the originals by Sherlock and South, are the following: (Edward Wetenhall) An Earnest and Compassionate Suit for Forberance (1692); Sherlock, An Apology for Writing against Socinlanism in Defence of the Doctrines of the Trinity and Incarnation (1693); (Howe) A Calm and Sober Enquiry concerning the Possibility of a Trinity in the Godhead (1695); (Sherlock) A Defence of Dr. Sherlock's Notion of a Trinity in Unity (1694); (South) Tritheism Charged upon Dr. Sherlock's New Notion of the Trinity (1695); (anon.) Reflexions on the Good Temper, and Fair Dealing, of the Animadverter upon Dr. Sherlock's Vindication (1695); Bingham, Sermon on the Trinity (1695); Sherlock, Modest Examination of the Authorities and Reasons of the late Decree (1696); Sherlock, The Distinction between Real and Nominal Trinitarians Examined (1696). For a sufficiently full account of the whole controversy, see Wallace, Antitrin., i, 199-358; Mr. Firmin's Religion, pp., 52-83; Hunt, Religious Thought, ii, 194-222; Sherlock, The Present State of the Socinian Controversy (1698); John Stoughton, History of Religion in England (London, 1881), v, 157-165.
67 A Designed End to the Socinian Controversy (London, 1695); for which, as heretical, the author was called to account before the ecclesiastical court, and required to recant the heresies therein contained. Cf. Wallace, Antitrin., i, 289-298.
71 Cf. Wallace, Antitrin., i, 377-384: Hugo Arnot, Collection and Abridgment of Celebrated Criminal Trials in Scotland (Edinburgh, 1785), pp. 377-384; Thomas Bayly Howell, Complete Collection of State Trials, etc. (London, 1809-‘28), xiii, 918-939; Monthly Repository, viii (1813), 17, 108, 178-180; John Gordon, Thomas Aikenhead (London, 1856).
72 Cf. John Edwards, Some thoughts concerning the several Causes and Occasions of Atheism . . . with some brief reflections on . . . The Reasonableness of Christianity (London, 1695). See also a far more temperate criticism in (Anon.) Animadversions on . . . The Reasonableness of Christianity (Oxford, 1697).
75 Cf. Wallace, Antitrin., i, 314 f; 321-323; Bold, A Short Discourse of the True Knowledge of Christ Jesus (London, 1697); id., Some Passages in the Reasonableness of Christianity (1697); id., A Reply to Mr. Edwards's Brief Reflections (1697); id., Observations on the Animadversions . . . on The Reasonableness of Christianity (1698); id., Some Considerations on . . . Locke's Essay of Humane Understanding (1699); all republished together in his Collection of Tracts (London, 1706).
76 This is perhaps the place to record an isolated but very interesting trace of an effort to widen the extent of Unitarian influence even before the publishing of the Unitarian Tracts. In 1682 some persons describing themselves only as "two single philosophers," but writing as though representing the Unitarians, addressed the Embassador of the Emperor of Morocco to Charles II, upon his departure from the country. The writers emphasize the fact that Unitarians alone among Christians hold to the unity of God, and thus in religious sympathy are closest to the Mohammedans. They therefore hand the Embassador some little Unitarian books to be presented to his countrymen as a specimen of the thought of Unitarians in England. They add a brief statement of the points wherein the Unitarians agree with the Mohammedans, of the origin and history of Unitarianism, and of points in Mohammedanism that need correcting. Whether this letter ever reached its destination is not recorded; but some years later the controversialist the Rev. Charles Connor succeeded in obtaining a copy of it, and seeing a tactical advantage in doing so he prefixed it to two letters on the Socinian controversy (dated 1694 and 1697), by way of proving that the English Unitarians were not Christians, but nearly the same as Mohammedans. This publication created a considerable sensation at the time, which was much taken advantage of by the orthodox, but it was soon lost among graver issues. The whole is found as an introduction to Charles Leslie, The Socinian Controversy Discuss'd (London, 1708). Also reprinted in America, 'Letter to a Mahometan Ambassador,' in The Panoplist (Boston), xi (1815), 72-78, The original Ms is in the Archepiscopal Library at Lambeth, Codd. Mss Tenisoniani, No. 673. Cf. Alexander Gordon, 'The Primary Document of English Unitarianism,' ChristianLife, xviii (1892), 464 f, 476f, 523 f.
4 Whiston might fairly enough be called an Arian, though he preferred instead the designation Eusebian, but Clarke differed from Arius in some vital points so widely that he refused to own the name in any sense. Heretics, however, have seldom been able to fix the name by which they are to be called, and it has more often fallen to their orthodox opponents to fasten upon them a name identifying them with some ancient heresy to which they seemed akin, thus illustrating the remark that "all labels are libels."
5 Robert Boyle, famous scientist and devout Christian, provided by his will (1691) for a lecturer to preach each year eight sermon-lectures on the evidences of Christianity. This was the precursor of other similar lectureships.
9 The main attacks (all but one by clergymen) were by Edward Wells, Robert Nelson, James Knight, Bp. Francis Gastrell of Chester, John Edwards, Edward Welchman, Bp. John Potter of Oxford, Thomas Bennet, Richard Mayo, and above all Dr. Daniel Waterland. Defences by Daniel Whitby, Arthur Ashley Sykes, John Jackson, and several anonymous writers. Cf. William Van Mildert, Life of Daniel Waterland, pp. 36-43,prefixed to Waterland's Works, vol. i (Oxford, 1856); Abbey and Overton, English Church, i, 494-503.
12 Cf. Waterland, The Case of Arian Subscription considered; and the several pleas and excuses for it particularly examined and confuted (Cambridge, 1721); Supplement to the same (1772); Contra (A. A. Sykes), The Case of Subscription to the XXXIX Articles considered (London 1721); A Reply to Dr. Waterland's Supplement, etc. (1772); J. Hay Colligan, The Arian Movement in England (Manchester, 1913), chap. iv.
14 Cf. Van Mildert, Life of Waterland, pp. 58-67.
15 It was not until the revision of the Book of Common Prayer in 1928 that the use of the Athanasian Creed in worship made optional. It was never adopted by the Protestant Episcopal Church in America.
16 Cf. Herbert S. Skeats and Charles S. Miall, History of the Free Churches of England, 1688-1891 (London, 1891), p. 237: "In the days of which we write it was certainly more profitable, so far as this world was concerned, for a man to live in violation of the whole of the moral law than for him to deny the truth of the Athanasian Creed."
1 Cf. Memoirs of his Life and Writings, by his son; and his own True Narrative of the Proceedings against him, etc., prefixed to his Works, ed. 4 (London, 1746), vol. i; Wallace, Antitrin., iii, 503-538; William Turner, Lives of Eminent Unitarians (London, 1840-43), i, 57-88; Sparks, Collection of Essays, iv, 173-208.
3 See his Works, ed. 4, vol. i; also in Unitarian Tracts, vol. iv, and in Sparks, Collection of Essays, iv, 209-275.Answered by Emlyn's colleague, Joseph Boyse, A Vindication of the True Deity of our Blessed Saviour (1703); reply by Emlyn, General Remarks on Mr. Boyse's Vindication (1704).
5 The Blasphemy Act was from the beginning until its repeal in 1813 practically a dead letter. Edward Elwall, a Sabbatarian Baptist of Wolverhampton, who held Unitarian views, was, it is true, arraigned for blasphemy at Strafford in 1726, but was discharged on a technicality, and the case was dropped. Cf. Lindsey, Sequel to the Apology, etc. (London, 1776), pp. 10-17; The Triumph of Truth, being an account of the Trial of Mr. Elsvall, etc., in Joseph Priestley, Works (London, 1817-32), ii, 417-429; ‘Memoir of Mr. Edward Elwall,’ Universal Theological Magazine, i(1804), 283-287.
7 Besides works already mentioned there were A Vindication of the Worship of the Lord Jesus Christ on Unitarian Principles (1706); The Supreme Deity of God the Father Demonstrated (1707);several tracts in controversy with the Rev. Charles Leslie (1708);several on the text I John v. 7 (1715-20); and a confutation of a work on the Trinity by some London ministers (1719),all included in the collected edition of his works in 3 volumes, ed. 4 (the best), London, 1746.
9 On the Academies, cf. Toulmin, Historical View, pp. 215-241; Irene Parker, Dissenting Academies in England (Cambridge, rgr4); Colligan, Arian Movement, chap. Viii; do., Eighteenth Century Nonconformity (London, rgrg), chap. x; Alexander Gordon, Addresses Biographical and Historical (London, rgzz), chap. iii; Herbert McLachlan, The Unitarian Movement in the Religious Life of England (London, rg34), PP. 7I-I4o; do., English Education under the Test Acts (Manchester, 1930; Olive Grif6ths, Religion and Learning, A Study in English Presbyterian Thought from the Bartholomew Ejections (r66z) to the Foundation of the Unitarian Movement (Cambridge, r935)•
10 For the full list cf. McLachlan, English Education, pp. 6-r5. Of the larger and more important ones in their relation to our movement may be especially mentioned those at Findern, Northampton, Daventry, Exeter, Warrington, Carmarthen, Hoxton, and Bridgwater: For an account of Warrington Academy cf. Herbert McLachlan, Warrington Academy, its History and Influence (Manchester, rg43); Henry Arthur Bright, Historical Sketch of Warrington Academy (Liverpool, r8gg); and a series of articles by V. F., in Monthly Repository, viii (r8r3).
14 Cf. Tayler, Retrospect, pp. 399-432; Skeats, Free Churches, pp. 258-266; Colligan, Arian Movement, pp. t36-r4o; John Leland, View of the Principal Deistical Writers, etc. (London, r757); Hunt, Religious Thought, iii, i59-t96, 377-3845 Abbey and Overton, English Church, i, 527-529.
15 In 1717 one Hubert Stogdon, a young Presbyterian divinity student from Hallot's Academy at Exeter, who had shown such Arian sympathies that he had little hope of being accepted for ordination by the local clergy, was privately recommended by three liberal Exeter ministers for ordination in another district. This action was censured by the Exeter Assembly of ministers two years later. Cf. Jerom Murch, History of the Presbyterian and General Baptist Churches in the West of England (London, i838), pp, x62x64; Joshua Toulmin, `Memoir of the Rev. Hubert Stogdon,' Monthly Repository, iv (r8o9), 57-62, 121-125, 247-255.
In the same year, Luke Langdon, candidate for a London pulpit, was rejected as an Arian, and the minority in favor of him seceded from the congregation. Again, in 1718, Martin Tomkins, who had studied at Utrecht with Lardner, and at Leiden, was forced after a year's ministry at Stoke Newington to resign his charge, on account of his Arian sympathies. Cf. The Case of Mr. Martin Tomkins (London, r7I9); Tomkins, 'A Letter in Defence of the Arian Hypothesis,' Theological Repository, iii (r795), 257-259.
16 Cf. Colligan, Arian Movement, p. 47. The literature on the Exeter controversy is extensive. Apart from the general account in Murch's History, and Turner's Eminent Unitarians, i, r04-rI2, the most important sources are in th_e controversial pamphlets of the time, such as James Peirce, The Case of the Ministers Ejected at Exeter (London, r7r9); (Josiah Eveleigh), Account of the Reasons why many citizens of Exon have withdrawn from the Ministry of Mr. Joseph Hallet and Mr. James Peirce (London, I'Jr9); Peirce, Defence of the Case of the Ministers, etc. (Exeter, r"fr9); Eveleigh, Defence of the Account, etc. (London, r7rg); (anon.) A Plain and Faithful Narrative of the Differences at Exeter (London, I'JI9); Peirce, The Western Inquisition (London, r7zo); (Enty, John), Answer to Mr. Pcirce's Western Inquisition (London, I'J2I). All summarized in
Thomas Hearne (comp.), Account of all the Considerable Books and Pamphlets that have been wrote on either side (London, r'7zo). See also Edmund Calamy, Historical Account of my own Life (London, r83o), ii, 403 ff; Frederick J. Powicke, `Arianism and the Exeter Assembly,' Transactions of the Congregational Historical Society (London), vii (r9r7), 34-431 Lant Carpenter, Letters on the Trinity Controversy, inserted in the Exeter Newspapers, etc. (Exeter, r8t5); v. notice in Monthly Repository, x (t8r5), r9z-r97; ibid., xii (i8tq), 5z3-5z5, 58z-585• For a comprehensive account from a strongly orthodox standpoSnt, cf. David Bogue and James Bennett, History of Dissenters (London, r8o8), iii, zr4-z49.
19 Vindiciae Fratrum Dissentientiumi in Anglia, etc. (Londini, r7ro); in reply to William Nichols, Defensio Ecclesiae Anglicanae (Londini, hqto). It is to be noted that in this work (p. 157) Peirce declares that among the Dissenters there is no Socinianism; but in the English translation (iqr7) this statement is lacking.
21 Throughout all this eighteenth century controversy, Arianism was a term of broad and loose connotation, by no means identical with the heresy of the fourth century. It might denote a variety of defections from the orthodox doctrine, but it commonly denoted belief in the subordination of the Son and the Holy Spirit, and denial of the rightfulness of paying supreme divine worship to Christ.
23 Later Lord Barrington. He was at just this time very desirous, in view of measures pending in Parliament, that nothing be done to create division among the Dissenters. Cf. Turner, Eminent Unitarians, art. on 'John Shute,' i; 22q-248.
25 His tomb is in St. Leonard's churchyard, where the Rector forbade the erection of a suitably inscribed monument; but a memorial tablet is in St. George's Meeting. Cf. Murch, History, pp. 411, 4z9-43r. For a memoir and list of his writings, see Protestant Dissenter's Magazine, ii (rq95), 448-454.
29 For good accounts see Golligan, Arian Movement, pp. 53-63; Skeats, Free Churches, pp. 243-248; Robert W. Dale, History of English Congregationalism (London, 1907), PP. 5z8-539; Alexander Gordon, 'The Story of Salters' Hall,' in his Addresses, pp. rzrr53; id.. 'The Salters' Hall Fiasco,' Christian Life, xiv (1888), 285 f, 296 f; Frederick J. Powicke, 'The Salters' Hall Controversy; Transactions, vii, 34-43. rro-r24, zr3-z33 (rgr7); Bogue and Bennett, Dissenters, iii, zz5-zz8.
For the sources, see the scores of contemporary controversial pamphlets in Dr. Williams's Library, London, of which the most important (all London, 1719) are the following. (John Shute Barrington), Account of the Late Proceedings at Salters' Hall; Thomas Bradbury, Answer to- the Reproaches cast on those who Subscribed, etc.; (Benjamin Grosvenor), An Authentic Account of several things done . . . at Salters' Hall; (anon.) A True Relation of Some Proceedings at Salters-Hall; James Peirce, Animadversions upon . . . A True Relation, etc.; (anon.) A Letter to the Rev. Mr. James Peirce in answer to his Animadversions, etc.; Peirce, A Letter to a Subscribing Minister, in Defence of Animadversions, etc.; (Thomas Bradbury) A Vindication of the Subscribing Ministers, in Answer to An Authentic Account, etc.; (anon.) A Reply to the Subscribing Ministers' Reasons, in their Vindication, etc. (in two parts); (Joshua Oldfield), An Impartial State of the Late Differences, etc.
31 Passed in r7r4,. and designed to suppress all Dissenting Academies and schools. [t was about to go into effect when Queen Anne died, and it remained practically a dead letter, though not repealed until 1719. Cf. Dale, Congregationalism, pp. 503-505.
32 Salters' Hall was perhaps the most prominent Presbyterian place of worship in London. It stood in Salters' Hall Court, but the original building is no longer in existence. cf. Walter Wilson, The History and Antiquities of Dissenting Churches and Meetinghouses in London, etc. (London, r8o8-r4), ii, r-6z.
This meeting has traditionally been referred to as the Salters' Hall Synod; but it was not a Synod in any proper use of the term, for its members were not delegated with authority from the bodies to which they belonged, nor were its actions binding upon their churches, since they carried only the moral authority of the individual members.
33 The record attendance, at the session of March 3, is said to have been 123 (Bradbury, Answer to Reproaches, p. rg); but the total number of signers to the Advices on either side was 133 (one having oddly enough signed on both sides), to which might be added 17 more who subscribed the doctrinal statements but not the Advices. Evidently some signatures of subscribers were obtained outside the meetings.
34 Tables of all the ministers on either side are given by Powicke, Salters' Hall Controversy, p. mz f; in Monthly Repository, xiv (18 19); and in T. S. James, History of the Litigation . . . respecting Presbyterian Chapels, etc. (London, i86q), pp. qog-qo9. See also the above cited Authentic Account, and True Relation; as well as the Layman's Letters to the Dissenting Ministers (London, i7r9), and Whiston's Memoirs, p. 22o f.
38 At the original division on February 24, nearly all the Independents voted with the minority, while the Baptists were divided ro to 9 (Skeats, Free Churches, p. 244 n.). The detailed figures as to the signatures to the Advices sent to Exeter by the Subscribers are: Presbyterians 23, Independents 25, Baptists 13, Total 61; or, if signatures to the doctrinal Articles be included, Presbyterians 31, Independents 32, Baptists 15, Total 78. Signatures to the Advices sent by Non-subscribers were Presbyterians 48, Independents 8, Baptists 17, Total 73. It is said that "great pains and some pressure were used to obtain the Subscribers' signatures." (op. Cit., p. 246.)
43 A joint fund was established by the Presbyterian and Congregational churches of London in r689, to assist poor ministers or congregations or students for the ministry. When the Congregationalists in 1695 withdrew and established a separate fund, the Presbyterian majority continued the fund and kept the Presbyterian name.
44 Cf. his Memoirs, p. 22 1. But he overlooked the fact that as early as rqoo, when the General Baptist preacher, Matthew Caffin, pastor of a church at Horsham, was called to account for disbelieving the divinity of Christ, though the General Assembly disapproved his views, and the case was long pending, they refused to excommunicate him. Cf. Adam Taylor, History of the English General Baptists (London, r8r8), i, 463-480; Joseph Ivimey, History of the English Baptists (London, r8r4), i, 54$-555, ii, 569-572; Crosby; English Baptists, iii, m6 f, z8o-285; iv, 3z8-34a. In i73o, at a great meeting of the General Baptists in London, it was unanimously voted not to make any human explications necessary to Christian communion. Cf. Whiston, op, Cit., p. 222.
46 Cf. Skeats, Free Churches, p. 266; Powicke, Salters' Hall, p. 123; and his article in Transactions of Unitarian Historical Society London, rqr8), i, ror-iZB, stating that no more Non-subscribing churches then Subscribing ones became extinct owing to the "Arian blight."
55 At home it was answered by Isaac Watts, John Wesley, and David Jennings, Vindication of the Scripture Doctrine of Original Sin (London, 1741). In America, years afterwards, Dr. Jonathan Edwards, the very able champion of Calvinism in New England, wrote of it in the preface (p. xi) to his last work, published after his death (The Great Christian Doctrine of Original Sin Defended; Boston, 1758), "No one book has done so much towards rooting out of these Western Parts of New England the principles and scheme of religion maintained by our excellent Fore-fathers, the Divines and Christians who first settled this country, and alienated the minds of so many from what I think are evidently some of the main Doctrines of the Gospel, as that which Dr. Taylor has published against the Doctrine of Original Sin. This book has now for many years been spread abroad in the land without any answer to it, and so has gone on to prevail with little controul."
In the North of Ireland a Calvinistic preacher is related to have said to his flock from the pulpit, "I must warn you, my brethren, against a book called the Scripture Doctrine of Original Sin, written by one John Taylor, of Norwich, and which has lately been printed at Belfast, and sent all round the country, to pervert the people from their good old faith. I desire that none of you will read it; for it is a bad book, and a dangerous book, and an heretical book; and, what is worse than all, the book is unanswerable." Cf. John Taylor, History of the Octagon Church, Norwich (London, r848), p. 27, n.
58 Op. cit., p. 300, appended to Towgood's A Dissent from the Church of England fully justified, etc., ed. 4 (Boston, 1768), and separately (London, 1777), P. 7. Also cited in Manning's Sketch, infra, p. 62.
Endnotes Chapter 15
1 Cf. Francis Blackburne, The Confessional, ed. I (London, 1766), p. 30. Bishop Burnet complained (History of his own Time, Oxford, 1823, vi, 172), that the greater part subscribed the Articles without ever examining them, and that others did it because they must do it, though they could hardly satisfy their consciences about some things in them.
2 The authorship was not avowed, but it was long afterwards discovered that the compiler and editor was John Jones, Vicar of Alconbury in Huntingdonshire. He had been a student of Carmarthen College and was a patron of it. Cf.. Monthly Repository, ii (1807), 349.The work was carefully summarized in a series of papers in the Gentleman's Magazine, xix (1749-50), 413-415,437-439;cf. also 416, 508-510, 539 f, 547-550.In the following year it was supplemented by An Appeal to Common Reason and Candor, by the same author.
3 Though it was allowed to pass under his name, since he had signed the introduction to it, it is said to have been the work of a young clergyman in his diocese. It was ably answered by Archdeacon Randolph of Oxford, in A Vindication of the Doctrine of the Trinity from . . . an Essay on Spirit (Oxford, 1754). Cf. Sparks, Collection of Essays, vi, 237-263;; Hunt, Religious Thought, iii, 303-308.
6 Cf. Theophilus Lindsey, Apology, closing paragraph; do., Historical View, p. 477f; sketch of Robertson's life by John Disney, Gentleman's Magazine, liii (1783), 745-750; by Joshua Toulmin, Monthly Repository, i (1806), 169, 225 f; Turner, Eminent Unitarians, ii, 5-24; Thomas Belsham, Memoirs of Theophilus Lindsey (London, 1812), pp. 44-46.
11 Cf. Hunt, Religious Thought, iii, 308-313; see also (anonymously compiled by Blackburne) A Collection of Letters and Essays in favor of Public Liberty; etc. (London, 1774). Gentleman's Magazine, xli (1771), 405-407; xlii (1772), 263-265,gives a considerable list of writings in this controversy; but the completest bibliography is that compiled by Dr. John Disney, A Short View of the Controversies occasioned by the Confessional and the Petition to Parliament, etc. (London, 1773),in two parts. It comprises 110titles which, together with 26 more, are all bound up in the 14 volumes of Disney's personal collection of Clerical Petition Tracts in Dr. Williams's Library, London, prefaced by a brief review of the whole matter, with names of the speakers in the debate in Parliament and of the members that voted for the petition.
13 A Short and Seasonable Application to the Public, etc., by Tyro Theologicus, A.M. (London, 1768). The author presently became openly Unitarian in his beliefs, though retaining his living, maintaining that he was within his rights; and for nearly forty years he was left undisturbed. But in 1806 he preached and published a sermon denying that Christ was God or was miraculously born. Complaint was made, and in 1808 he was prosecuted in the church courts for heresy and blasphemy, was adjudged guilty, and when 72 years of age with a wife and seven dependent children, was deprived of his living. His case excited wide sympathy, and the Unitarians of his time organized relief for him. He died 1813. Cf. Monthly Repository, iii (1808), 274-277, 282-284; also his tract, An Unitarian Christian Minister's Plea for adherence to the Church of England, etc. (London, 1808).
14For the text of the proposals see Blackburne's Works, vii, 1-12; cf. vol. i, p. xl. Of the several Feathers Taverns that first or last existed in or near the Strand, the one that seems most likely was that opposite St. Clement Danes, probably on the south side between Arundel and Essex Streets.
15 Text in Blackburne, Works, vii 13-19;cf. Gentleman's Magazine, xli (1771); 599-601; xlii (1772), 61-63. For a list of the 197 clerical signers, cf. Monthly Repository, xiii (1818), 15-18; also Theophilus Lindsey, Vindiciae Priestleianae (London, 1788), p. 47 f. Priestley was informed (cf. his Works, I, i,144) that only 24 were present, with Lindsey in the chair. He circulated the petition not only in Yorkshire, but also in Essex and in the West of England (loc. cit.). For a contemporary account of proceedings, cf. op. cit., pp. 144-163.
18 Cf. Parliamentary History of England (London, 1813), xvii,245-295; Annual Register for 1772 (London, 1885), xv, 86*-89*, 72, 17I-173; Gentleman's Magazine, xlii (1772), 61; Belsham, Life of Lindsey, pp. 53-67. Names of the debaters and of those voting for the petition are given in Disney's ShortView mentioned above, p. vii.
22Cf. Herbert McLachlan, Letters of Theophilus Lindsey (Manchester, 1920), p. 49 ff; Parliamentary History, ut supra, pp. 1325-1327;Lindsey, Vindiciae, pp. xi and 51.Entire abolition of tests was not accomplished until 1901, by Gladstone's government; cf. McLachlan, op.cit., p. 47.
24 It deserves recording here that it was not until nearly a hundred years later that Parliament in 1865 was persuaded to make a slight modification in the terms of subscription, so that one need only assent in general terms to the Articles and the Book of Common Prayer, and declare one's belief that the doctrine therein is agreeable to the word of God. Two years later a Royal Commission took up the matter of the Athanasian Creed, which many wished removed. A petition signed by all the prominent High Churchmen and by over 1,200 clergy and laity protested against any change, Liddon and Pusey declaring that they would leave the Church if any change were made. The Creed was retained. Cf. Francis Warre Cornish, The English Church in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1910), ii, 160-166.
25 Cf. Belsham, Life of Lindsey; Lindsey, Apology, pp. 202-223; Catharine Cappe, 'Memoir of Lindsey,' Monthly Repository, iii (1808), 637-642; iv (1809), 1-5; McLachlan, Letters; Gordon, Addresses; Turner, Eminent Unitarians, ii,25-81.
31 This chapel was built in 1763 to provide liturgical worship both for Dissenters that might prefer it, and for many of the established Church who complained of the Book of Common Prayer, but were repelled by the extemporaneous prayers of the Dissenters. But few of the latter were attracted, and the liturgy proposed was bitterly criticized both by churchmen and by Dr. John Taylor of the neighboring Warrington Academy. Numbers fell off, the liturgy was discarded, and after thirteen years the chapel was closed. Cf. A Form of Prayer . . . for the use of a congregation of Protestant Dissenters in Liverpool (London, 1763); John Taylor, The Scripture Account of Prayer, ed. 2 (London, 1762); Monthly Repository, viii(1813), 625-627; Christian Reformer, N. S. x (1854), 232-235; Colligan, Arian Movement, p. 113.
37 William Burgh, A Scriptural Confutation of the . . . Apology (Dublin, 1775); George Bingham, A Vindication of the Doctrine of the Church of England (Oxford, 1774); Thomas Randolph, A Vindication of the Worship of the Son (Oxford, 1775).
39 Lindsey did not propose to make needless alterations in the Book of Common Prayer, but besides the important ones above noted, he was in the interest of sincerity led to make sundry minor corrections, and in later editions some further changes were introduced, some antique expressions were modernized, and a few of the Psalms were omitted. The Apostles' Creed was retained until the fourth edition in 1793 (cf. Belsham's Life of Lindsey, pp. 336-341).It may be recalled that a little more than a century before the Antitrinitarians in Poland emphasized their adherence to this Creed as the authentic standard of the Christian faith.
40 This date may fairly be taken as the beginning of permanently organized Unitarianism in England, though the earlier ephemeral movements of Biddle, Emlyn, Sayer Rudd or any others that took no firm root are not overlooked.
42 The remodeled and enlarged chapel was continuously used for worship until 1885 though for some time attendance had seriously declined, and for the last four years there was no regular minister. The Essex Church then acquired new premises and built a handsome church building in Kensington (1887),the chapel property was acquired for the purposes of denominational headquarters by the British and Foreign Unitarian Association and the Sunday School Association (1886).The large assembly-room was reserved for large gatherings, and the rest of the building was remodeled and was used for offices and bookrooms until 1944, when enemy action rendered the whole building unfit for further service, and the headquarters were transferred to University Hall in Gordon Square. Cf. ‘Essex Hall, Past and Present,’ Christian Life, xxxix (1913), 216A.
43Jebb was perhaps the most prominent among half a score of Cambridge men who are sometimes ranked as Unitarian confessors. He was a brilliant student, took his two degrees, in due time was elected Fellow, and took orders in the Church. At the University he was conspicuous for his efforts favoring reform in the system of discipline and especially in instituting annual public examinations. On this account, as well as for the freedom he showed in his lectures, and his support of the movement against subscription, he was systematically opposed by influential circles, and was thus moved to resign his preferments in 1775. Then already in middle life he took his degree in medicine, and began practice in London; but implacable hostility still pursued him here, though it could not prevent him from winning a high professional reputation, nor keep him from taking an active part in movements for political and social reform. His health early became undermined, and he died in 1786 at the early age of fifty. Cf. Memoirs of his life by Dr. John Disney, in Jebb's Works (London, 1787); Turner, Eminent Unitarians, ii, 82-117; Jebb, Reasons for a late Resignation, in his Works, ii, 203-224.
45 Cf. Monthly Repository, xii(1817), 55 f; Turner, Eminent Unitarians, ii, 178-213; Disney, Reasons for Resigning the Rectory of Panton, etc., and Quitting the Church of England (London, 1783). After graduating at Cambridge Disney at once entered the ministry. He was troubled by the question of subscription, and never read the Athanasian Creed in church, and later made yet other omissions. He took part in the Feathers Tavern Association, and finally resigned his preferments. He was honored with the doctorate from Edinburgh in 1777, and published several valuable works. Upon Lindsey's retirement in 1793 Dr. Disney succeeded him, and served until 1805, when he too retired. In 1802 he substituted a new Prayer Book of his own composition for that which Lindsey had used; but on his retirement three years later the older book was restored to use.
47 Cf. Belsham's Life of Lindsey, pp. 179-194. It is interesting to note that a few years later Robinson wrote a large volume of Ecclesiastical Researches - his last work, not published until after his death -(Cambridge, 792),which includes, among other things, a digest of what continental writers had written on the history of Socinianism in Poland and of Unitarianism in Transylvania, thus for the first time introducing them in detail to English readers. See the extensive review by his biographer in George Dyer, Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Robert Robinson (London, 1796), pp. 353-395.
52 Deserving of mention in the record, besides Jebb and Disney above named, are Edward Evanson (1731-1805), sometime vicar of Tewkesbury, who resigned his preferment (v. Monthly Repository, i (1806), 57);Robert Tyrwhitt (1735-1817),intimate friend of Jebb, who resigned his fellowship at Cambridge (v.Monthly Repository, xii (1817), 316;Paul Henry Maty (1745-87), who withdrew from the ministry (v.Gentleman's Magazine, lvii (1787), 92);Thomas Fyshe Palmer (1747-1802),who resigned his fellowship at Cambridge and withdrew from the Church, but preached to early Unitarian congregations at Dundee and elsewhere in Scotland for eight years, until in the general excitement caused by the French Revolution he, as a liberal, was accused by alarmists of exciting sedition, was judged guilty and sentenced to be transported to Botany Bay for seven years, and was overtaken by death while returning home (cf. Belsham, Life of Lindsey, pp. 351-358); Gilbert Wakefield (1756-81),who resigned after a short ministry and became a teacher and famous biblical and classical scholar (cf. his Memoirs, London, 1792);and William Frend (1757-1841), who was removed from his fellowship at Cambridge and banished from the University and spent the rest of his long life in literary pursuits (cf. Gentleman's Magazine, lxviii (1841),541.For further details of all these, cf. Lindsey, Historical View of the State of the Unitarian Doctrine, etc., pp. 477-55;Turner, Eminent Unitarians, ii, 82-312; Hunt, Religious Thought, iii, 265-269.
1 Cf. on the one hand, Philip Doddridge, Free Thoughts on the most probable means of reviving the Dissenting Interest (London, 1720); Isaac Watts, An Humble Attempt toward the Revival of Practical Religion among Christians, and particularly the Protestant Dissenters(London, 1731); and on the other, articles in the Monthly Repository, vols. iv, v (1809-‘10), passim.
3 For his life, cf. his personal Memoirs, continued by his son (London, 1806), reprinted in a centennial edition (London, 1904). The same, incorporating also his voluminous correspondence, and edited with notes by John Towill Rutt in vol. i (two parts) of Rutt's edition of Priestley's Theological and Miscellaneous Works in 26 volumes (London, 1831-‘32). For briefer treatment see John Corry, Life of Joseph Priestley (Birmingham, 1804); T. E. Thorpe, Joseph Priestley(London, 1906); Anne Holt, Life of Joseph Priestley(London, 1921); Alexander Gordon, ‘Priestley as a Pioneer in Theological Science,’ in Heads, pp. 102-134.
6 Dr. Richard Price (1723-91), son of a Congregational minister, educated at a Dissenting Academy in London, after twelve years of reading and study while acting as domestic chaplain, became minister (now an acknowledged Arian) of a suburban congregation at Stoke Newington (1758), and from 1770 on at the Gravel Pit meeting at Hackney. Besides being a diligent pastor, he wrote A Review of the Principal Questions and Difficulties in Morals (1758), which attracted wide attention; Observations on Reversionary Payments (1771), which first placed life insurance on a sound scientific basis, and led to his being considered the father of life insurance and old age pensions. He became an intimate and life-long friend of Priestley, Lindsey, Franklin and Lord Shelburne. As an outspoken friend of the American Colonies and correspondent with several prominent Americans he published (1776) Observations on the Nature of Civil Liberty, the Principles of Civil Government, and the Justice and Policy of the War with America, of which over 60,000 copies were sold, with profound influence on both countries. He became the most famous preacher in London. Squarely disagreeing with Priestley in doctrinal and philosophical views, he was joint-author with him of A Free Discussion of the Doctrines of Materialism and Philosophical Necessity (1778), in which with perfect good temper and unbroken friendship he maintained the spiritual nature and freedom of man. Aberdeen made him a D.D. in 1767, and Yale an LL.D. in 1787 on the same day with George Washington. Cf. Roland Thomas, Richard Price, Philosopher and Apostle of Liberty (London, 1924).
9 The writings mentioned above, though addressed to Dissenters, were virulently attacked by churchmen into whose hands they fell, and drew Priestley in his reply into his first important controversy; especially with Judge Blackstone, who in his Commentaries on the Laws of England had insinuated that the spirit, doctrine and practices of Dissenters as such were not calculated to make men good subjects. Cf. Priestley, Works, xxii, 362-379. He ere long became an accomplished pamphleteer, who seldom let pass an opportunity to reply to an attack or to correct a misunderstanding. As such he came to be regarded as the outstanding spokesman not only for the Unitarian interest, but for civil and religious liberty in general.
17 A prominent liberal statesman of the period. A friend of the Dissenters and of civil and religious liberty, he advocated a conciliatory policy toward the American Colonies; became premier, and negotiated the treaty of peace with America 1783; was created Marquis of Landsdowne 1784, and died 1785.
26 History of the Corruptions of Christianity (Birmingham, 1782); Dutch trans., Historie der Verbasteringen van her Christendom (Dordrecht, 1784-87); German trans., Geschichte der Verfälschungen des Christenthums(Hamburg, 1785). A summary of this work and of the ensuing controversies is given in the ‘Observations on Priestley's Writings,’ by Thomas Cooper, appended to Memoirs of Joseph Priestley(London, 1806), pp. 617-708.
27 The Hague Society for the Defence of the Christian Religion offered prizes for essays refuting Priestley's work, of which three were published ('s Gravenhage, 1787), by Abdias Velengius, Carolus Segaar, and Cornelis Gavel.
29 Priestley's part of the controversy is found in his Works, vols. xviii, xix; but the items on both sides may be most conveniently consulted in the two opposed collections: by Priestley, Letters to Dr. Horsley, etc., in three parts (Birmingham, 1783-86; by Horsley, Tracts in Controversy with Dr. Priestley (Glocester, 1789). A partisan abstract of the controversy is given in an Appendix to Thomas Belsham, Calm Inquiry into the Scripture Doctrine concerning the Person of Christ (London, 1811), pp. 422-446. Cf. also Belsham, Claims of Dr. Priestley in the Controversy, etc. (London, 1814), reprinted from Monthly Repository, viii, ix (1813-14), passim; (Andrews Norton), ‘An Account of the Controversy between Dr. Priestley and Dr. Horsley,’ etc., General Repository (Boston), i, 26-58, 229-237; ii, 7-38, 257-288; iii, 13-124, 250-299 (1812-13).
30 Presently identified as the Rev. Samuel Badcock. He had hitherto been a Dissenting minister, and a fervent admirer and friend of Priestley; but having lost standing in the Dissenting ministry he conformed, became Priestley's bitter opponent, and took orders in the Church. He died soon after. Cf. Priestley, Works, xix, 533-538. Cf. Monthly Review (London), lxviii-lxxi (1783-84), passim.
33 It will be remembered (v. supra, p. 209, note 2) that these Acts made it illegal for one to hold public or municipal office without partaking of the Lord's Supper according to the rites of the established Church, which many Dissenters felt they could not conscientiously do.
34 Priestley listened to the debate, and afterwards wrote to Pitt, deprecating his opposition to the repeal. At the same time he did not hesitate to mention several further changes that the Dissenters would urge (cf. Works, xix, 111-134). Most desired were the right to hold civil offices, to enjoy full liberty of religious teaching, and to celebrate marriages in their own churches (op, cit., p, 180).
40 For contemporary accounts of the Birmingham Riots, see Priestley, An Appeal to the Public on the Subject of the Riots in Birmingham(Birmingham, 1791), in his Works, xix, 345-508, also in the Appendix, pp. 540-600; William Hutton, ‘Narrative of the Riots in Birmingham,’ in his Life(Birmingham, 1818), pp. 151-218; (Martha Russell), ‘Journal relating to the Birmingham Riots,’ Christian Reformer, N. S. ii (1835), 293-304; John Ryland, ‘Recollections of Dr. Priestley,’ U. H. S. (London), iv (193o), 417-425; Bernard M. Allen, ‘Priestley and the Birmingham Riots,’ U. H. S. (London), v. (1932),113-132.
50 Notably the Rev. Thomas Fyshe Palmer of Dundee, sentenced for seven years to Botany Bay (cf. Belsham, Life of Lindsey, pp. 351-358), and barbarously treated; and several others at the same time (cf. Priestley, Works, I, ii, 221; xv, 530 f), all pronounced guilty on the slightest evidence or none at all.
51 Particular mention should be made of the Rev. Harry Toulmin (1766-1823), whose father, long minister at Taunton, became minister of the Birmingham New Meeting in the year of Priestley's death. He had been minister of a large congregation in Lancashire, but had praised the French Revolution too warmly, and soon after the Birmingham Riots found it best to emigrate to America in 1793. He settled first in 1794 at Lexington, Kentucky, where he was made President of the new Transylvanian College. Later he rose to eminence in the public life of the new States of Kentucky, Mississippi and Alabama, and became judge of the Federal Court. Cf. Monthly Repository, xiv (1819), 81 f; xix (1824), 179-181.
4 This institution (precursor of the University) had been founded in 1815, and largely supported by Non-Subscribers, to provide higher education (especially for students for the ministry), for which it had hitherto been necessary to resort to Glasgow or elsewhere abroad.
8 Cf. Christian Reformer, ix, N. S. (1842), 181-183, 243-247, 306-316, 377-382; Thomas S. James, History of the Litigation and Legislation respecting Presbyterian Chapels and Charities in England and Ireland (London, 1867), pp. 391-480; Irish Equity Reports (Dublin, 1845), vii, 612-619; The Jurist (London, 1851), xiv, part i, 137-142; Mew's Digest of English Case Law, ed. 2 (London, 1925), 130 ff.
9 v. infra, Ms p. 701. Early in the course of the Remonstrant Synod its adherents were drawn into religious controversy, not with the General Synod, from which it was now separated, but with a clergyman of the established Church. Early in 1834 the Rev. Daniel Bagot of the Anglican Church at Belfast issued a challenge to the Rev. John Scott Porter, minister oŁ the First Church (now Unitarian), for a public debate on the Trinity and the Deity of Christ. Conditions were precisely drawn, and the questions at issue carefully stated. The debate was held in the First Church on four successive days, and was to be based strictly upon the teaching of Scripture. The debate was held before crowded houses, and as such things go was orderly and free from offensive speech. Cf. Authentic Report of the Discussion on the Unitarian Controversy between the Rev. John Scott Porter and the Rev. Daniel Bagot (Belfast, 1834).
18 Cf. Turner, Eminent Unitarians, ii, 215, n.; Monthly Repository, vi (1811), 193-204; xix (1824), 241 f. In 1794he removed to Glasgow and took charge of a Unitarian congregation there, but in the following year he emigrated to America and eventually settled at Northumberland near Dr. Priestley, whose theological works he annotated.
24The items were: Wardlaw, Discourses on the Principal Points of the Socinian Controversy (Glasgow, 1814; Yates, Vindication of Unitarianism (London, 1815); Wardlaw, Unitarian Incapable of Vindication (London, 1816); Yates, Sequel to A Vindication of Unitarianism (Liverpool, 1817). The whole controversy extensively reviewed in Monthly Repository, xii (1817), 292-299, 364-369, 412-416.
25Cf. John Gordon, ‘George Harris, a Memoir,’ Christian Reformer, xvi, N. S. (1860), 1255-738, passim. Harris was an intrepid champion of the Unitarian cause, perhaps the most remarkable preacher it has ever had, for his persuasive eloquence, his tireless labors in the field, his equally tireless pen, and his zealous activity in every cause that sought human betterment and completer freedom in politics or in social reform. After an earnest ministry in the North of England, he declined a highly flattering call from London, and chose a humbler field with greater opportunities of service at Glasgow, where he had a conspicuous ministry of sixteen years (1825-1840) and was known to the orthodox as "the Devil's Chaplain." He was the chief originator of the Scottish Unitarian Association, and the editor of two useful periodicals, the Christian Pioneer and the Christian Pilot. His last ministry was at Newcastle, where, worn out by his labors, he died in 1859, aged 65.
26 Even earlier than this the Rev. Thomas Evans (1764-1833), probably the first in Wales to adopt and preach Unitarianism of the Priestley type, built in 1795 at Cwm Cothi a chapel in the interest of Unitarianism, and had already published in 1792 the first Welsh Unitarian sermon. This movement did not survive, but its influence probably affected that in Cardiganshire above referred to. Mr. Evans was later minister of the Old Meeting House, Aberdare (1821-33). Cf. Monthly Repository, xii(1817), 740-745.
29 There is as yet in English no history of Unitarianism in Wales. Many valuable historical articles are said to be scattered through the files of Yr Ymofynnydd mentioned above, but their language makes them a sealed book to the present writer. Material used here has been taken largely from unpublished manuscripts by the late Rev. Rees Jenkin Jones of Aberdare and the Rev. T. Oswald Williams of Lampeter; from articles by Jones in the Inquirer (London) from 1898 to 1909, passim; articles in the Unitarian- Herald (London), 1876-77 passim; and from George Eyre Evans, The Lloyd Letters (Aberystwith, 1908).
33 The College at Hackney was established in 1786 with high expectations, to supply the place of Warrington, Exeter and Hoxton, which had lately been dissolved; but its plan was defective, it soon ran into a crushing debt, unruly students disgraced it, and the College was closed in 1796. Cf. Herbert McLachlan, `The Old Hackney College,' U. H. S. (London), iii (1925), 185-205; Thomas Belsham, The Character of the Christian Teacher delineated (London, 1804). Cf. Belsham, Life of Lindsey, pp. 280-285; Williams, Life of Belsham, pp. 446-453.
34 He had in the meantime been strongly urged (1797) to become Divinity Tutor at the new Manchester Academy, which had succeeded that at Warrington; but though strongly tempted he had resolved to quit the teacher's desk for the pulpit. Cf. Williams, op. cit., pp. 479-482.
40 William Wilberforce, A Practical View of the Prevailing Religious System, etc. (London, 1798). The author was prominent in philanthropy, and later became distinguished in the movement for the abolition of slavery. His son was later Bishop of Oxford.
42 He was at this time a young minister of twenty-four, a recent convert from Calvinism. Born a General Baptist, and educated in Scotland for the ministry, he was by native instinct liberal, and began his ministry with the General Baptists on the Isle of Wight. Active in the formation of the Southern Unitarian Society in 1801, and its Secretary, he came to know Belsham; and as editor of the Monthly Repository, and later of the Christian Reformer, he cooperated with him in the general organizations, and became an active and influential leader of the Unitarians second only to Belsham himself. Cf. Aspland, Memoir.
43 Vidler was a minister of humble origin, but with great native abilities and force of character. Without the advantage of early education he had by wide reading so improved his natural talents that he became a preacher of exceptional power. He had had a varied religious experience, being successively Anglican, Independent, Baptist and Universalist, and in 1802 Unitarian. He was now an acknowledged leader of the Universalists, who were attracting considerable attention in England, and was preacher to their congregation in Parliament Court, Artillery Lane, until 1815. It was here that Aspland came to know him. He had published first the Universalists’ Miscellany,(1797-1802), and upon becoming Unitarian changed its title to Universal Theological Magazine (1802-03), and then to Universal Theological Magazine and Impartial Review (0804-05, cf. ‘Memoir of William Vidler’ (with frontispiece portrait) by Richard Wright, Monthly Repository, xii (1817), 65-72, 129-136, 193-200; Aspland, Memoir, pp. r187-189.
44 At the end of 1826 it was deemed that the Repository might be made more useful to the denominational cause if placed under the management of a committee of the recently formed British and Foreign Unitarian Association, and the Association bought out Aspland's rights. The new management was a disappointment, and after five years the Rev. W. J. Fox from being editor became owner. With the Second Series the journal became less denominational and more and more the organ of religious and political radicalism. Cf. the exhaustive study by Mineka, Dissidence, and an appreciation of Aspland's services as editor by Richard Wright, in Monthly Repository, xxi (1826), 718-722. Aspland also edited, 1815-44, the Christian Reformer, at first designed to be more practical and better suited to a humbler class of readers. With the enlarged New Series (1834-45) it succeeded the Repository as representing the Unitarians.
45 Cf. Aspland, Memoir, pp. 192-198; Monthly Repository, iii, N. S. (1829), 357 f;(David Eaton), ‘An Address to Unitarian Congregations,’ Universal Theological Magazine, N. S. iv (1805), 127, cf. 200-202, 258-260;David Eaton, ‘Account of the Rise and Progress of the Unitarian Fund,’ Monthly Repository, xx (1825), 337-340, 479-483; Robert Aspland, ‘Biographical Sketch of David Eaton,’ Christian Reformer, xv (1829), 227-235; ibid., 345-348,Mrs. Cappe's Letter about him.
53 Cf. John Ashworth, Account of the Rise and Progress of the Unitarian Doctrine in the societies at Rochdale, Newchurch in Rossendale, and other places, formerly in connexion with the late Rev. Joseph Cooke (Rochdale, 1817); Christian Examiner, ix(183o), 857; Herbert McLachlan, The Methodist Unitarian Movement (Manchester, 1919).
56 Cf. Herbert McLachlan, Nonconformist Library, pp. 152-183, ‘The Christian Brethren Movement’; John Relly Beard, Unitarianism Exhibited (London, 1846), pp. 165-171; ‘Antitrinitarian Churches in connection with Joseph Barker,’ by F. Howorth; Travers Madge: on Christian Brethren, Christian Reformer, N. S. iii(1847), 501-503; Life of Joseph Barker written by himself (London, 1880).
59 The New Testament, in an improved version, upon the basis of Archbishop Newcome's New Translation, published by the Unitarian Book Society, etc. (London, 1808). Elaborate Review (by Lant Carpenter) in Monthly Repository, iv (1809), 97, 152, 216, 274, 384. Hostile review in Quarterly Review; answered by Belsham, Monthly Repository, iv (1809), 373-382, 415-429.
64 It was entitled, An Act to relieve persons who impugn the Doctrine of the Holy Trinity from certain Penalties. 53Geo. III, c. 160. It was passed July 14, 1813, on the twenty-second anniversary of the Birmingham Riots! Text of the Act in Monthly Repository, viii (1813), 543. Royal Assent was given on July 21. The Scottish Blasphemy Acts were also repealed.
71 A famous series of endowed lectures in the field of Christian apologetics, given at Oxford annually from 1780 on. Cf. Charles A. Moysey, The Doctrines of Unitarians Examined and Opposed to the Church of England (Oxford, 1818).
73 Mention should here be made of Magee's Discourses and Dissertations on the Scriptural Doctrines of Atonement and Sacrifice (London, 1801; ed. 4, 1816); reviewed in Monthly Repository, ix(1814), 417-424; cf. Belsham's criticism ibid., viii (813), 489-501. Answered by Lant Carpenter, Examination of the Charges made against Unitarians and Unitarianism, and the Improved Version, by the Right Rev. Dr. Magee, Bishop of Raphoe (Bristol, 1820); cf. Monthly Repository, xvi (1821), 109-112, 169 ff. It is in the writings of this period that the Anti-Unitarian controversy reaches its lowest level.
76 When Belsham became a Unitarian in 1789, there were but two congregations of avowed, Unitarians in England (Essex Street, London, and New Meeting, Birmingham); by 1810 there were 20; and by 1825 over 200, besides 12 in Scotland and 34 in Wales.
8 An Appeal to the Serious Professors of the Church of England (n. p., 1820);reprinted, York, 1822; cf. Christian Reformer, vii (1821), 169-178, 194-202, 238-246. Cf. Charles Wellbeloved, Memoir of Thomas Thrush, Esq. (London, 1845).
10 For accounts of the rise, growth and decline of this mission, cf. William Roberts, Letters to Belsham, Rees and Fox (London, 1818-23); also in Christian Reformer, iv, v,vii, viii (1818-22); and in appendix to Monthly Repository, xix, xx(1824-25), Unitarian Fund Register, nos. iv, v, vii; and in British and Foreign Unitarian Association Reports, 1826-56, passim. Modest support was still given to work in Madras for some years, but it never achieved more than a very limited success.
11 Cf. Monthly Repository, xiii(1818), 299-301; xv (1820), 1-7; Sophia D. Collet, Life and Letters of Rajah Rammohun Roy, ed. Hem Chandra Sarkar (Calcutta, 1914); Mary Carpenter, The Last Days in England of the Rajah Rammohun Roy (London, 1875); The English Works of Rajah Rammohun Roy, ed. J. C. Ghose (Calcutta, 1885).
17 Cf. (Henry Ware, ed.), Correspondence relative to the Prospects of Christianity and the means of promoting its Reception in India (Cambridge, Mass., 1824).For accounts ofthe Unitarian mission in India, see also appendix to First Report ofthe British and Foreign Unitarian Association (London, 1826).
18 Cf. Monthly Repository, iii,N. S. (1829), 447. The English finally closed out their venture in Calcutta in 1843,though they later cooperated with the Americans in missionary work there. Some twenty years later Adam, who had now removed to America, became first minister of a new Unitarian church at Toronto, which was aided by ,Ł100 from the proceeds of the abandoned Calcutta mission.
24 Cf. F. Kenworthy, ‘A Unitarian Chapel in Paris,’ U. H. S. (London), vi (I937), 205-212; Christian Reformer, xviii (1832), 46 f. Not long after the discontinuance of this English church a French Unitarian church arose, much regret being expressed at the untimely end of the other. The cause progressed rapidly, especially in the Vendee, and a numerous society was formed at Nantes where a church was opened in 1834, and a journal was published, Le Reformateur, Journal Religieuse consacrée au developpement de la doctrine de 1’Église Française et de Christianisme Unitaire. This Église Catholique Française was in many of its outward forms and usages a reformed Catholic church, but with an ultra-Unitarian theology which the English Unitarians of the time did not much approve, and it presently discarded the Unitarian name (cf. the similar case a century or more later of the Iglesia Independiente in the Philippines). Cf. Christian Reformer, ii,N. S. (1835), 245, 325; iii, 137-144, 737 f
31 Cf. The Case of the Body of Protestant Dissenting Ministers of the Presbyterian Denomination, etc. (London, 1837); Christian Reformer, iii, N. S. (1836), 276,351,422,478; iv (1837), 19-37, 90-107, 645 f.
32 The two series were collected and published in stately volumes entitled, Unitarianism Confuted, and Unitarianism Defended (Liverpool, 1839). The Unitarian series was reprinted (London, 1876). Cf. Christian Reformer, vi, N. S. (1839), 115-175, 202 f, 235-243, 314-323; Charles Wicksteed, ‘The Liverpool Unitarian Controversy,’ Theological Review, xiv(1877), 85-106; A. W. Jackson, James Martineau (Boston, 1900), 57-71; James Drummond and Charles Barnes Upton, Life and Letters of James Martineau (London, 1902), 97-105; J. Estlin Carpenter, James Martineau, Theologian and Teacher (London, 1905), pp. 177-189.
35 Cf. T. S. James, History of the Litigation, pp. 209-226; Presbyterian Endowments: Report of the Hearing of the Case of the Wolverhampton Meeting-house . . . at Westminster Hall, January 22-26, 1836 (London, 1836).For the decree, see Parliamentary Debates on the Dissenters' Chapels Bill (London, 1844), p. 59, n., f.
37 Cf. W. Whitaker, ‘The Open-Trust Myth,’ U. H. S. (London), i, 303-314. As a matter of fact this practice was not peculiar to the Presbyterians, since most Dissenting trusts of the period were left “open,” orthodox beliefs being assumed as already safeguarded under existing laws.
42 For details of the Lady Hewley case, cf. James, History of Litigation; sharply reviewed by John Gordon, Nonconformity and Liberty (London, 1867);answered in turn in Addendum to James, op.cit. See also the official reports: Lady Hewley’s Charities: a Full Report of the Hearing in the House of Lords . . . on the Appeal of the Trustees (London; 1839);Clark & Finnelly's Appeal Cases . . . decided in the House of Lords during the Session, 1842, vol. IX,part iii (London, 1842); Christian Reformer, vi, N. S. (1839), full report of proceedings in the House of Lords, passim.
A voluminous controversial literature appeared while the case was in process. See especially Joseph Hunter, An Historical Defence of the Trustees of Lady Hewley's Foundations (London, 1834);(Thomas Falconer), The History, Opinions, and Present Legal Position of the English Presbyterians (London, 1834);Joshua Wilson, An Historical Inquiry concerning the Principles, Opinions and Usages of the English Presbyterians, etc. (London 1835); English Presbyterian Charities (reviewing the above), (London, 1835);James Brooks, The Prevalence of Arianism amongst English Presbyterians, etc. (London, 1837);(Joseph Hunter), Historical Proofs and Illustrations (London, 1838).
46 For full reports of the proceedings, cf. Parliamentary Debates on the Dissenters’ Chapels Bill (London, 1744); Presbyterian Reporter, 7 numbers, intercalated in Christian Reformer, xi, N. S.,1844, passim. For a very partisan account, cf. James, History of Litigation, pp. 497-581, 759-797.
49 For the text of the Bill as finally passed, cf. Parliamentary Debates, pp. 405-407; James, History of Litigation, p. 797f. The conservative vote was nearly equally divided; the liberal was 13 to 1. For the voters’ names, cf. Parliamentary Debates, p. 413 ff.
1 Cf. Herbert McLachlan, The Unitarian Home Missionary College (London, 1915). With changing conditions, the definitely limited purpose at first in mind was gradually outgrown and enlarged, and the requirements and facilities extended; and in 1904 the Unitarian College was affiliated to the free faculty of Theology in the University of Manchester.
4 The original intention, to make University Hall an academic residence for Unitarian students at University College, with additional instruction and a Principal of its own, was not satisfactorily realized; and in 1853 it became the seat of Manchester New College now removed thither. In 1889, when the College again removed to Oxford, University Hall was purchased by Dr. Williams's Trustees, and it is now the home of Dr. Williams's Library.
10 James Martineau (1805-1900), born at Norwich, was destined to be an engineer, but feeling dissatisfied with this he chose the ministry, for which he prepared under Wellbeloved at Manchester College, York. After first serving a Unitarian church in Eustace Street, Dublin for four years he became minister of a congregation in Paradise Street, Liverpool, which he served until 1857. As Professor in Manchester New College he also served from 1840 to 1885.
John James Tayler (1797-1869) born in London, son of a minister. He was educated at Manchester College, York, and at Glasgow University, and was minister of a congregation in Moseley Street (later in Brook Street), Manchester, 1821-1853. Principal of Manchester New College, London, 1853-1869. His most important published work was his Retrospect of the Religious Life of England, 1845.
12 Op. cit., p. 119. This view had indeed been distinctly set forth long before by the Socinian Wiszowaty in his little work on Rational Religion, published in Holland in 1685(vide supra, vol. i, 572), but it was little known, and by now had been completely forgotten, and can hardly have been known to Martineau.
15 For a full account of the controversy, cf. Drummond and Upton, Life of Martineau (London, 1902),i, 296-325; Christian Reformer, N. S. xiii (1857), 189 f, 312-322,379-388; also M. N. C., Special Report and Protest, bound in.
16 Cf. Carpenter, James Martineau (London, 1905), chap. xiii; and, in detail, Inquirer, xviii (1859), 763f; Christian Reformer, N. S., xiv (1858), 378, 719-728; xv (1859), 603-620, 747 f, 752-754; Martineau, ‘The Unitarian Position,’ and ‘Church-Life? or Sect-Life?’ in his Essays, ii,371-420.
19 For a detailed study of the record, cf. McLachlan, Unitarian Movement and Raymond V. Holt, The Unitarian Contribution to Social Progress in England (London, 1938). See also National Conference of Churches, Report of Tenth Meeting (New York, 1882).
1 It is indeed recorded that about 1738 two Polish Socinians, sons of the famous Socinian scholar, Samuel Crellius, were members of a company of emigrants from England to the new colony of Georgia; but no record has been discovered of their life or influence there, except that one of them was a justice of the peace, and that the other was engaged in Agriculture, and that though married neither of them left any male heir. Cf. Bock, Historia Antitrinitariorum, i, 168 f; also vol. i, 577 of the present work. The only instance of possible Socinian influence is found at Oldenbarnevelt (later Barnevelt) in central New York, where the learned Dr. Francis A. van der Kemp, a Mennonite preacher from Leiden, who had perhaps been subject to Socinian influence in Holland, and who had landed at New York as a political exile in 1788,joined with a banished patriot soldier who was agent of the Holland Land Company, in organizing in 1803 a United Protestant Religious Society, whose charter pledged it to absolute freedom of belief. Two years later this society settled an avowed Unitarian minister, and thenceforth stedfastly adhered to the Unitarian movement. v. infra, p. 412n.
3 Two examples of early New England Covenants may serve as illustrations. That of the church at Salem (the first Congregational church in America, 1629) reads: “We covenant with the Lord and with one another, and do bind ourselves in the presence of God, to walk together in all his ways, according as he is pleased to reveal himself unto us in his blessed word of truth.” That of the First Church in Boston (1630) reads: “We do hereby solemnly and religiously promise and bind ourselves to walk in all our ways according to the rule of the Gospel, . . . and in mutual love and respect each to other, so near as God shall give us grace.” These two Covenants bind one to no statement of belief, have survived the theological changes of over three centuries, and are still in use. Cf. Daniel Appleton White, New England Congregationalism, etc. (Salem, 1861), pp. 113, 250.
8 The General Convention of Congregational Ministers (including all ordained Congregational ministers in active service) used to gather at Boston at the time of the meeting of the General Court in May and to dine together, and in 1720 it was voted that a sermon should be preached on the day of the election. These sermons were conciones ad clerum. The first was by Increase Mather. They often furnish a good clue to the progress of thought. See the Historical Sermon by the Rev. John W. Harding, with a list of preachors (Boston, 1887); continued by the Rev. Christopher R. Eliot, U. H. S. (Boston), viii, 7-26, 1947.
10 For a well documented survey of the Unitarian controversy from its beginnings down to 1833, see E. H. Gillett, ‘History and Literature of the Unitarian Controversy,’ Historical Magazine, N. S. ix (1871), 222-324; and for a general account of the early development of Unitarianism, from an orthodox standpoint, see a series of ‘Letters on the Introduction and Progress of Unitarianism in New England’ in Spirit of the Pilgrims (Boston), vols. ii-iv (1829-31); and (Bishop George Burgess), Pages from the Ecclesiastical History of New England, 1740-1840 (Boston, 1847), reprinted from the Episcopal Observer.
15 Cf. Frederick Lewis Weis, ‘The Reverend Ebenezer Gay, D.D.,’ Proceedings of the Unitarian Historical Society (Boston, 1916), i, 1-23; Samuel A. Eliot, Heralds of a Liberal Faith (Boston, 1912), i,1-19; William B. Sprague, Annals of the American Unitarian Pulpit (New York, 1865), pp. 1-19.
21 A considerably abridged Extracts from an Humble Inquiry, etc., was published at Boston in 1790 with a new preface. Answered by Caleb Alexander, An Essay on the Real Deity of Jesus Christ (Boston, 1791).
22 For Edwards's letter and Wigglesworth's reply, see Joseph S. Clark, Historical Sketch of the Congregational Churches in Massachusetts (Boston, 1858), pp. 180-184. Burr's work, Boston, 1757; reprinted, Boston, 1791.
28 These are the words, often quoted, used by the Rev. F. W. P. Greenwood, History of King's Chapel (Boston, 1833), p. 139. But in the interest of accuracy it should be stated that as early as 1640 an Episcopal church had been organized at Portsmouth, N. H. Cf. William White, Memoirs of the Protestant Episcopal Church (New York, 1880), p. xxiii.
Very soon after the King's Chapel Liturgy had been adopted, the American Episcopal Church in course of its reorganization had to consider what modifications were desirable in its Prayer Book, in view of the Revolution. There was wide difference of opinion, the New England congregation being (perhaps in reaction from King's Chapel) quite conservative, those of the central and southern States being more liberal. A committee appointed for the purpose presented to the Convention a tentative “Proposed Book,” which omitted the Athanasian and Nicene Creeds and several other passages thought not generally acceptable. The English Bishops, whose approval was considered essential, insisted on retaining the Nicene Creed, but the Athanasian which they also urged found no favor. Many of the changes adopted were identical with those already printed in the King's Chapel Liturgy. Cf. White, Memoirs, pp. xlviii, 121 ff; Henry Wilder Foote, Annals of King's Chapel (Boston, 1896), ii, 382. For the text of the “Proposed Book,” see William McGarvey, Liturgiae Americanae (Philadelphia, 1907).
30 Cf. Foote, Annals, ii,384-389; Greenwood, History, pp.180-196; Lindsey, Vindiciae, pp. 31-36. Deserving of record here is the influential part taken by a visiting English Unitarian minister, the Rev. William Hazlitt (1737-1817). Born in Ireland, educated at Glasgow, he entered the Unitarian ministry, served several churches and became friend of Priestley, Price, Kippis and Dr. Franklin. He strongly sympathized with the American cause and befriended American prisoners in their camp near him in Ireland. Seeking settlement in America he went in 1783 to Philadelphia where there were many English. He lectured there on Evidences of Christianity; printed several Unitarian tracts in 1784, including Priestley, Appeal of the Pious (cf. W. C.Hazlitt, Four Generations, p. 44); preached in several churches in the vicinity, but found no settlement because of orthodox opposition, though he declined calls to Charleston and Pittsburg.
Removing to Boston in 1784 he found King's Chapel in a state of transition, gave Freeman much assistance in revising the Liturgy, and convinced the members of their right to ordain their own minister. He delivered his series of lectures on Evidences and published a ‘Scriptural Confutation of the 39 Articles’ which had much influence on opinion. He preached many times at Hingham, hoping to succeed Dr. Gay, and elsewhere, and spent the winter at Hallowell, Maine, where the English Unitarian Samuel Vaughan whom he had met at Philadelphia had extensive properties. (Cf. J. T. Rutt, ed., Life of Joseph Priestley, I, ii, 406). Early in 1787, discouraged by his prospects he returned to England (just before Dr. Gay's death), and settled in “a retired corner” at Wem in Shropshire. Cf. a letter on religion in America, Monthly Repository, iii (1808), 302-307; William Carew Hazlitt, Four Generations of a 1iterary Family (London, 1897); id.,The Hazlitts (Edinburgh, 1911); letters by Hazlitt, Christian Reformer, v (1838), 505, etc.; Belsham, Life of Lindsey, pp.238-243.
33 Cf. Greenwood, History, p. 197 f; Foote, Annals, ii,393. In view of the interest previously expressed by the Rev. Nathanael Fisher of St. Peter's Church, Salem, in the revisal of the Liturgy, Mr. Freeman sent him a presentation copy which, however, he returned with no little discourtesy. When asked how he could read the Athanasian Creed without believing it, he replied, “I read it as if I did not believe it.” Cf. Sprague, Unitarian Pulpit, p.271; Foote, Annals, p. 171.
34 The Harvard College library catalogue of 1773 lists hardly a single Unitarian author; but from the late eighties on entries are frequent. Noteworthy also are instances of honorary degrees conferred in this period by American colleges-Princeton, Yale, Brown, Harvard-on men in the English Unitarian tradition.
37 At about the same time with Portland a liberal movement was taking shape in the neighboring community of Saco-Biddeford, where the Second Religious Society in Biddeford was formed in 1795 and incorporated in 1797 on liberal principles. It is said afterwards to have had its own minister, but its early history is obscure. Cf. Belsham, Life of Lindsey, pp.245-250; see also Vincent Brown Silliman’s article in the Maine Unitarian (Saco, spring issue, 1946).
38Cf. Daily Advertiser (New York), passim, January to April, 1794; Christian Register (Boston), 1894, p. 308, article by Robert Collyer on ‘One Hundred Years ago’; John Bach McMaster, History of the United States (New York, 1907), ii, 238-241.
43 That is, the first to be permanently established, and openly avowing the Unitarian name. This is not forgetting the ephemeral case at Portland; v. supra, p. 395. A futile attempt to settle a Unitarian minister at Philadelphia is said to have been made in 1792.
44 Christie had been Unitarian preacher at Montrose and Glasgow (v. supra, p.320), and after coming to America in 1794 had first taught a school at Winchester, Va., while also preaching, for he was a zealous Unitarian. In 1801 he removed to Northumberland in order to be near Priestley, and lived there for two years before resuming his teaching near Philadelphia. Cf. Monthly Repository, xix (1824), 363. He contributed a valuable Appendix to Priestley's Life, giving a ‘Review of Dr. Priestley's Theological and Philosophical Works.’ See Joseph Priestley, Memoirs of Dr. Joseph Priestley (London, 1807). ii, 1-325.
45 Cf. Monthly Repository, iii (1818), 54f, 288f, 643-646, 688-690.Meeting in North Sixth Street. According to Unitarian Miscellany, v, 150, December 1823,Christie died Nov. 21, 1823, at Long Branch, his son-in-law’s.
48 Complaint was made that the “doctrines of grace” were being neglected in preaching. They were these (see Panoplist, xii, 361-367):The Sovereignty and Decrees of God; Total Depravity; Personal Election; Regeneration by the Holy Spirit; the Divinity and Atonement of Christ; Trinity in Unity; Justification by Faith; Perseverance of the Saints.
54 Although the Old South Church remained nominally orthodox by the narrowest margin, its minister, Dr. Eckley, denied the supreme Divinity of Christ, and was the first minister to offer Freeman an exchange of pulpits after his ordination.
Endnotes Chapter 21
4 Cf. Samuel M. Worcester, Life of Rev. Samuel Worcester (Boston, 1852);A Narrative of the Religious Controversy in Fitchburg, etc. (Worcester, 1804); Review of Narrative of the Religious Controversy in Fitchburg, Monthly Anthology, i (1804); 654-657.
5 The Ministerial Convention of Massachusetts was an annual gathering of all the ministers at the time of the May General Court. The Convention was accustomed to discuss the state of religion in the State, and to make suggestions to the churches. Cf. supra, p. 382n.
7 Cf. William B. Sprague, Life of Jedidiah Morse (New York, 1874); James King Morse; Jedidiah Morse, a Champion of New England Orthodoxy (New York, 1939). He had already given much attention to the neglected field of geography, and in 1784 had published the first geography in America, a work that won for him the name of Father of American Geography. The American Geography (Elizabethtown, N. J., rev. ed. 1789), 544 pp., 8vo, went through five editions within six years, besides several pirated editions abroad, there being as yet no international copyright. It was received with marked favor.
9 The Thursday Lecture dates from Boston's early history. A week-day service was held in the First Church, at which the ministers in rotation preached a sermon which was called a lecture. It was often a notable occasion and largely attended.
10He spoke of himself as a Baptist, and showed special concern for Baptists in relation to his bequests, although this was in his time a name of ill repute in New England. But there appears to be no evidence that he was ever a communicant of a Baptist church. At Sheffield, where his parents lived during his youth, they were adherents of the “great chapel” (an Independent foundation for Protestant Dissenters generally, which eventually became Unitarian), which his father helped erect, and until his death he was the most generous friend the congregation knew. In London, whither they removed, he succeeded to his father's business in wholesale hardware, and they worshiped at the Independent Church in Pinners’ Hall, where at about seventeen he professed religion and was baptized, and was admitted the next year to membership in the church, of which he was chosen deacon. It would seem, then, that though he was undoubtedly a Baptist in conviction, his formal membership was with the Independents. Cf. C. J. Street, ‘The Hollis Family and Harvard College,’ Harvard Graduates’ Magazine, xxix (1920, 536-540; Letter of January 17, 1721to Dr. Benjamin Colman of Brattle Square Church, quoted by Morse, True Reasons, etc., pp. 5-9. Cf. Giles Hester, Some Memorials of the Hollis Family (Sheffield, n. d.).
12 The True Reasons on which the election of a Hollis Professor of Divinity was opposed, etc. (Charlestown, 1805), 28 pp. Reviewed in Monthly Anthology, ii, 152-157, March, 1805; Morse's reply and reviewer's answer, ibid., pp.206-226.
13 Cf. the article on Thomas Hollis, Christian Examiner (Boston), vii (1829), 64-1044, with one with the same title in Spirit of the Pilgrims, ii(1829), 469-480, 581-594. See Quincy, History of Harvard, ii,284 f; vol. i, chap. xii and Appendix, 527-540. Thorough investigation there reported shows that Overseers at the time of the donation, moved by doctrinal fears, but without Hollis's approval or knowledge, inserted in his “rules and orders” a qualification calculated to prevent his broad purposes from being realized; but that he caused to be added a form for inauguration which gave the professor more liberty, as stated above. Dr. Morse's opposition was grounded on the clause thus inserted. Cf. Ware, Unitarian Biography, i, 243-256, note on the Hollis professorship.
15 Cf. Monthly Anthology, v (1808), 602-614, for a drastic review of the ‘Constitution and Associate Statutes of the Theological Seminary in Andover,’ anonymous, but by Samuel Cooper Thacher (1785-1818),aet. 23(cf. Sprague, Unitarian Pulpit, pp. 435-445;Eliot, Heralds, ii, 77-79; Memoir by F. W. P. Greenwood, prefixed to his Sermons, Boston, 1824, and in Ware, Unitarian Biography, ii, 323-375);answered in the Panoplist, iv (1808-09), 371, 413, 471; rejoinder by Thacher, Anthology, vi (1808), 194-205.
16 The scope of this history does not require us to follow the history of Andover further; yet it is interesting to note in passing that eventually the requirements of the founders proved to be intolerable. After some three generations the Professors refused longer to subscribe, or resigned their chairs, no satisfactory substitutes could be found, the number of students fell off, and subscription was no longer enforced. In 1908, just a hundred years after its foundation, the Seminary removed to Cambridge and entered into alliance with its old rival, the Harvard Divinity School. When the Visitors interposed and insisted that the provisions of the Constitution be obeyed, the Court decided that this was no longer possible. The Trustees were then permitted to do the next best thing, and forces were combined with a Baptist school, the Newton Theological Institution.
17 A Consociation was an ecclesiastical court, consisting of ministers and lay delegates of churches, empowered to intervene upon all questions, arising between ministers and churches. In Connecticut its decrees were supported by the civil power.
18 Cf. Clark, Historical Sketch, pp. 237-241, 252 f; Panoplist, xi (1815), 359-373, 507-518,537-545; searchingly answered (by John Lowell), An Inquiry into the Right to Change the Ecclesiastical Constitution of the Congregational Churches of Massachusetts (Boston, 1816).For an account of the long effort to establish Consociations in Massachusetts, cf. Whitman, Letters to Stuart, pp. 29-37.
19 It was succeeded by the more controversial and short-lived General Repository and Review (Cambridge, 1812-13),ably edited by Mr. Andrews Norton; but this was too aggressive for the time, and soon gave place to the Christian Disciple (v. infra, p. 410).
24 Cf. Noah Worcester, A Respectful Address to the Trinitarian Clergy, relating to their Manner of Treating their Opponents (Boston, 1812); Stephen Farley, Letters addressed to the Rev. Noah Worcester (Windsor, 1813); (Thomas Andros), Bible News . . . not correct (Boston, 1813); Ethan Smith, A Treatise on the Character of Jesus Christ, and of the Trinity in Unity of the Godhead, etc. (Boston, 1814); Worcester, An Appeal to the Candid, 3nos. (Boston, 1814). Cf. also several writings by his brother Thomas.
25 Cf. Henry Ware, Jr., Memoirs of the Rev. Noah Worcester (Boston, 1844); id., ‘Memoir of Noah Worcester.’ in Ware, Unitarian Biography, i, 1-98; Sprague, Unitarian Pulpit, pp. 191-199Eliot, Heralds, ii, 31-39.
27 v. supra, p. 409.John Sherman, One God in One Person only, and Jesus Christ a Being Distinct from God, etc. (Worcester, 1805);answered by Daniel Dow, Familiar Letters to the Rev. John Sherman, etc. (Hartford, 1806);(Francis A. van der Kemp), Wreath for the Rev. Daniel Dow on the Publication of his Familiar Letters, etc. (Utica, 1806);Sherman, A View of the Ecclesiastical Proceedings in Windham County, Conn., etc. (Utica, 1806);M. C. Welch, Misrepresentations Detected, etc. (Hartford, 1807). Sprague, Unitarian Pulpit, pp. 326-330;Eliot, Heralds, ii, 59-63; Monthly Anthology, iii (r8o6), 249-257, 661;Belsham, Life of Lindsey, pp. 256-272.
28 The history of this unique little church deserves more than a passing mention. It was formed in 1803 by about forty gentlemen from diverse sources, and took the name of the United Protestant Religious society of Trenton and, as soon as a minister was secured fifteen of these in 1806 formed and organized the reformed Christian Church on a basis that left members absolute freedom of belief. The chief leader in the movement beside Col. Adam G. Mappa was evidently the Rev. Francis Adriaan van der Kemp (1752-1829),formerly a Mennonite minister at Leiden, who being exiled from Holland for political reasons came to America in 1768bearing letters to Washington and other notables, and came to Oldenbarnevelt in 1797.He formed friendship with some of the foremost men in the country, and was called “the most learned man in America,” and was honored with the Doctor's degree from Harvard in 1820 on the same day with Channing. Even when in Holland he had corresponded with English Unitarians. This church, isolated in a strongly orthodox region, has steadily maintained liberal Christianity, despite violent opposition, for nearly a century and a half. Cf. Charles Graves, A Century of Village Unitarianism (Boston, 1904); id., An Early Unitarian Outpost (Boston, 1915),and in Christian Register, June 24, July 1, 1915;Helen L. Fairchild, ed., Francis Adrian van der Kemp, an Autobiography (New York, 1923); Autobiography of . . . van der Kemp, Christian Reformer, N. S. iv (1837), 315-322, 397-402, 487-490.
29 Cf. (Mary Willard), Life of Rev. Samuel Willard . . . of Deerfield, Mass. (Boston, 1893); Mary Willard, Early Unitarian Movement in Western Massachusetts, Unitarian Review, xv(1881), III;Eliot, Heralds, ii, 90-94; Samuel Willard, History of the Rise, Progress, and Consummation of the Rupture, etc. (Greenfield, 1858); The Results of Two Ecclesiastical Councils, etc. (Greenfield, 1853); (J. Emerson), An Address to the Christian Public, etc. (Greenfield, 1814).
30 Cf. Result of an Ecclesiastical Council Held at Dorchester, Mass., 12 May, 1812; Proceedings of the Second Church and Parish in Dorchester, etc. (Boston, 1813); Memorial of the Proprietors of the New South Meeting House in Dorchester, to the Ministers of the Boston Association, etc. (Boston, 1803); Review of the Dorchester Controversy, Panoplist, x (1814), 256-z8r, 289-307; Review of Two Pamphlets Published on the Subject of the Ecclesiastical Society in Dorchester (Boston, 1814); James H. Means, Historical.Discourse on the Seventieth Anniversary of the Second Church at Dorchester (Boston, 1878); William Allen, Memoir of John Codman (Boston, 1853).
34 Cf. Abiel Abbot, A Statement of Proceedings in the First Society in Coventry; Conn., etc. (Boston, 1811); (Amos Bassett), Reply to Mr. Abbot’s Statement of Proceedings, etc. (Hartford, 1812); Proceedings of the General Association of Connecticut, June1802 (Hartford, 1812); Review of Abbot's Statement, etc., General Repository, i(1812), 145-160; Panoplist, viii (1812), 118-142.
35 Cf. Panopllst, ix (1812-13), 254; xiii (1817), 181-186, 274; Result of an Ecclesiastical Council held at Sandwich, 24 May, 1817 (Boston, 1817); 9 Massachusetts Reports, p. 276 (Boston, 1850), Burr vs. First Church in Sandwich.
36 Cf. Charles Graves, ‘The Inquisition in Connecticut,’ Christian Register, cii (1923), 989 f.1014, 1049;Eliot, Heralds, ii, 168-171; Connecticut Reports, v, 405,Whitney vs. Brooklyn; Unitarianism: its Origin and History (Boston, 1889), pp. 174-176. Luther Willson, Review of Ecclesiastical Proceedings . . . in Brooklyn (Worcester, 1818).
43 He at once sent a presentation copy to ex-President John Adams, thinking perhaps to surprise him by his discovery of a great secret; but Adams in an often quoted letter (cf. Unitarian Miscellany, i (1821), 189-191; Christian Disciple, iii (1822), 43 f; Sprague, Jedidiah Morse, p. 125 f, bore witness that Unitarianism in New England had been held by various well-known ministers and numerous laymen familiarly known to him since the middle of the previous century; though, despite his calling them Unitarian, their views had not developed farther than Arianism.
44 The review though unsigned was written by Jeremiah Evarts, Esq., a Yale graduate and a lawyer, whom Dr. Morse had a few years before persuaded to become editor of the Panoplist. Cf. E. C. Tracy, Life of Jeremiah Evarts (Boston, 1842).
45 The Rev. William Wells (1744-1827) was for many years a Dissenting minister at Bromsgrove near Birmingham. He had been a pronounced friend of the American cause during the war; and feeling against him was so strong that after the Birmingham Riots (which he narrowly escaped) he emigrated to America in 1793, and made his home on a farm near Brattleboro, Vermont. Here for many years he preached to a liberal society without salary, declining to be a formal pastor (cf. Christian Disciple, iv(1816), 300-304). He received the Doctor's degree from Harvard in 1818. His son, William Wells, Jr. 1773-1860), formerly a pupil of Belsham, graduated at Harvard 1796 where he was tutor; was bookseller in Boston until 1830, republished several English Unitarian works, was active in the Unitarian controversy, and later for many years had a classical school for boys at Cambridge, where he died. Cf. Sprague, Unitarian Pulpit, pp.254-261, 449; Eliot, Heralds, i,64-70.
46 Channing had supervised his reading in preparation for the ministry. A brilliant scholar, he had written the drastic review of the Constitution of the Andover Seminary in the Monthly Anthology. When Dr. Kirkland was called to be President of Harvard, Thacher succeeded him at the New South Church. In 1814 he had already preached a notable sermon on ‘The Unity of God,’ which made his views beyond question. He went into an early decline, and while abroad in search of health he died on the first day of 1816.
47An example of this confounding of two widely differing senses of the term Unitarian is seen in an interesting case of this very period. In 1811 the Rev. John Grundy had preached a sermon at the dedication of his new chapel in Renshaw Street, Liverpool; and in a note added to this when printed he quoted a letter from a recent visitor to Boston telling of the great progress of Unitarianism then going on there. This note attracted the attention of Francis Parkman (1788-1850), a young man from Boston who had been preparing for the ministry under Channing's direction, and before entering active service was spending a year in England. He (taking the word in Belsham's sense as then current in England) wrote Grundy protesting, on the basis of intimate acquaintance with the Boston ministers, that they were very far from being Unitarian, since they held high and exalted views of Jesus Christ, and would be very unwilling to be confounded with the followers of Dr. Priestley.
For the items in this interesting controversy, cf. Monthly Repository, vii(1812), 107 f, 55-58, 199-201, 264 f, 498-501. The subject was revived in the Spirit of the Pilgrims, ii (1829), 220-234; to which Parkman anonymously replied in the Unitarian Advocate (Boston), iii (1829), 300-308; cf. Christian Register, April 18, 1829. Returning from England Parkman was ordained minister of the New North Church in 1813, and served it until 1849, distinguished by his faithfulness and generosity to the Unitarian cause.
49 The consecutive items are these: Thomas Belsham, American Unitarianism, reprinted in Boston, 1815;(Jeremiah Evarts), Review of 'American Unitarianism,' Panoplist, xi(1815), 241-272; William E. Channing, Letter to the Rev. Samuel C. Thacher (Boston, 1815); Samuel Worcester, Letter to the Rev. William E. Channing on his Letter to Thacher (ibid.); Channing, Remarks on the Rev. Dr. Worcester’s Letters to Mr. Channing (ibid.); Worcester, Second Letter to the Rev. William E. Channing on the Subject of Unitarianism (ibid.); Channing, Remarks on the Rev. Dr. Worcester's Second Letter on American Unitarianism (ibid.); Worcester, Third Letter to the Rev. William E. Channing on the Subject of Unitarianism (ibid.). The above items include (if one would follow the controversy in detail over 500 pages), reviewed at length by (Jeremiah Evarts), ‘Review of the Unitarian Controversy,’ Panoplist, xii (1816), 153-178, 203-234.
50 Related to the above controversy though not connected with it was one between the Rev. G. S. White ("Amana"), Remarks on "American Unitarianism;" etc. (Boston, 1815), and John Lowell (brother of the Rev. Charles Lowell of the West Church, and an influential member of the Harvard Corporation), Are you a Christian or a Calvinist? (Boston, 1815); answered by "Amana," The Catholic Question at Boston: or, An Attempt to Prove that a Calvinist is a Christian (Boston, 1815).
A longer controversy of this period, on the question of Creeds, was more or less concurrent with these, though separate from them. In this the Rev. Jacob Norton of Weymouth, still professedly orthodox, published anonymously Seasonable and Candid Thoughts on Human Creeds or Articles of Faith as Religious Tests, etc. (Boston1813); answered by the Rev. Thomas Andros, who had already replied (1811) to Worcester's Bible News. Norton continued the discussion in Things Set in a Proper Light (Boston, 1814); and in A.Short and Easy Method, etc. (Boston, 1815), and Things as they Are: or, Trinitarianism Developed, etc., in two parts (Boston, 1815), in which the writer throws off the mask, signs his own name, and shows himself opposed to making acceptance of Covenants a condition of fellowship. A brief digest of all these is given in Gillett, Unitarian Controversy, pp. 276-281.
52 Largely as a consequence of this controversy over the Hollis professorship, Dr. Morse became a very unpopular figure, and his unpopularity was much increased by being linked with a subordinate controversy with Miss Hannah Adams (cousin of President John Adams), over their writings on American history. Cf. Jedidiah Morse, Appeal to the Public on the Controversy, etc. (Charlestown, 1814); (John Lowell), review of the above (Boston, 1815); (Morse), Remarks on the Controversy between Doctor Morse and Miss Adams (Boston); Hannah Adams, Narrative of the Controversy, etc. (Boston, 1814).
53 He died in 1826. His distinguished son, the inventor of the electric telegraph, became toward the end of his life a devoted adherent of the radical Unitarian preacher, O. B. Frothingham, in New York. Cf. John W. Chadwick, William Ellery Channing (Boston, 1903), p. 128 n.
58 The Rev. Anthony Forster, pioneer of Unitarianism in the South, had been ordained as a Presbyterian and was settled over a Presbyterian church at Charleston; but he outgrew his orthodox faith and withdrew from the Presbytery. His congregation also separated from the Presbyterians and organized as the Second Independent Church of Charleston (1816). But his health failed, and he died early in 1820. Meantime Gilman who had supplied his pulpit, succeeded him, and the church affiliated with the Unitarians. Cf. ‘Memoir of Forster’ by John Bartlett in Ware, Unitarian Biography, ii,379-408; Unitarian Miscellany, i(1821), 249-262; Christian Disciple, iii, N. S. (1822), 280-299. For Gilman, cf. Eliot, Heralds, ii,274-280.
60 Cf. Samuel Miller, Letters on Unitarianism (Trenton, 1821); Sparks, Inquiry into the Comparative Moral Tendency of Trinitarian and Unitarian Doctrines, in a Series of Letters to the Rev. Dr. Miller of Princeton (Boston, 1823).
61 The Rev. John Wright, brother of Richard Wright (v. supra, pp. 334 f), victim of intolerance and persecution at Liverpool, emigrated in 1817 and settled at Georgetown near Washington, where he found a few English Unitarians lately arrived, who had held several meetings together on Sundays. He at once began to hold public worship and to preach, attracting attention and causing alarm in neighboring towns. They organized as the Unitarian Society of Georgetown, and had 150 members. They were bitterly opposed and maligned, and the Presbyterian church was refused for the funeral of a Unitarian who had been drowned in May 1819. Attacked in print, Wright replied in a series of letters in the Georgetown National Messenger, May 18, 1819. Several ministers replied, and the controversy ran for fourteen numbers. See the account in John Wright, American Unitarian Controversy (Liverpool, 1819), 114 pp. Cf. Monthly Repository, xiv (1819), 703. In 1820 a congregation, doubtless succeeding to this, was gathered in Washington by the Rev. Robert Little, an English Unitarian formerly of Gainsborough, Lincolnshire, and now engaged in business in Washington. A church was organized in 1821; John Quincy Adams, John C. Calhoun, and Judge William Cranch were original members. The church building, dedicated 1822, was designed by Charles Bulfinch, one of the original members, and architect of the National Capitol. Mr. Little died in 1827. Cf. Jennie W. Scudder, A Century of Unitarianism in the National Capital, 1821-1921 (Boston, 1922).
65 Cf. Christian Disciple, iii, N. S. (1822), 66-71; ii (1821),402-419;Gardiner Spring, A Tribute to New England (New York, 1829); (Henry Dwight Sedgwick), Remarks on the Charges made against the Religion and Morals of the People of Boston, etc. (New York, 1820);Henry D. Sewall, On the Alliance of Unitarianism and Mahometanism (New York, 1820).
66 Cf. Moses Stuart, Letters on the Eternal Generation of the Son of God, addressed to the Rev. Samuel Miller (Andover, 1822); Samuel Miller, Letters on the Eternal Sonship of Christ, addressed to Professor Stuart (Princeton, 1823).
69 Cf. Leonard Woods, Letters to Unitarians (Andover, 1820); Henry Ware, Letters addressed to Trinitarians and Calvinists (Cambridge, 1820); Woods, Reply to Dr. Ware's Letters (Andover, 1821); Ware, Answer to Dr. Woods' Reply (Cambridge, 1822); Woods, Remarks on Dr. Ware's Answer (Andover, 1822); Ware, Postscript to the Second Series of Letters (Cambridge, 1823). Reviews in Christian Disciple, ii, N. S.,1820, 393; v> 1823, 212-230, ‘State of the Calvinistic Controversy’; Spirit of the Pilgrims, vi (1833), 686; Andrews Norton, ‘Views of Calvinism,’ Christian Disciple, iv, N. S. (1822), 244-280.
70 As an example, Belknap’s Psalms and Hymns (v. supra, p. 397),published in 1795, was purged of the doctrine of the Trinity, but its doctrinal reform went no further. It.was consistently Arian in its view of Christ. It was acceptably used in many liberal churches for nearly forty years. But by 1820it was sharply criticized in one of the liberal periodicals as quite too orthodox. The critic said, “Belknap’s collection was excellent for its day; but its day is now past. It can not be denied that it contains much which no considerable part of any Unitarian congregation believes.” Cf. Christian Disciple, iii, N. S. (1821), 76, 340-353. But long before this, striking further progress in doctrinal reform is seen in Buckminster’s Hymns for Public Worship, for the church in Brattle Square (Boston, 1808),which is so thoroughly purged of all traces of Calvinistic doctrine that hardly one of the 176hymns in Part II, is doctrinally objectionable today.
72 A Statement of the Proceedings in the First Church at Dedham, respecting the Settlement of a Minister in 1818, etc., by a Member of the said Church and Parish (Cambridge, 1820);reviewed in Christian Disciple, ii, N. S. (1820), 257-287.
Cf. 16 Massachusetts Reports, 147 and 488; George E. Ellis, ‘The Church and the Parish in Massachusetts: Usage and Law,’ in Unitarianism; its Origin and History (Boston, 1889), pp. 116-254;Enoch Pond, ‘The Rights of Congregational Churches in their Connection with Parishes,'’in Clark, Historical Sketch, pp. 318-335; George E. Ellis, A Half-century of the Unitarian Controversy (Boston, 1857), pp. 415-442.
74 Cf.Clark, Historical Sketch, pp. 270-272;Walker, Congregational Churches, p. 343;‘The Exiled Churches of Massachusetts,’ Congregational Quarterly, July, 1863;‘The Congregational Churches of Massachusetts,’ Spirit of the Pilgrims, i (1868), 57-74,113-140.
3 While the Monthly Anthology was founded in 1806 as a distinctly literary journal, religious interests tended to predominate in it, so that its successors, the Repository, the Disciple and the Examiner became the recognized organs of liberal Christianity. But the literary strain also continued, under a separate management. For in 1815 one of the old members of the Anthology Club also began the North American Review as a literary periodical, with much the same constituency; for it appealed largely to the Unitarian public, its contributors were very largely Unitarians, and for more than sixty years its editors were Unitarians.
4 Cf. Christian Disciple, ii, N. S.(1820), 230 f; Charles Lyttle, ‘Outline of the History of the Berry Street Ministerial Conference,’ Meadville Theological School Quarterly Bulletin, xxiv (1930), 3-27.
7 Evidently he referred only to his Sunday sermons, for he used the word repeatedly in his Thursday Lecture, May 20, 1824. Cf. Octavius B. Frothingham, Boston Unitarianism (Boston, 1890), p. 97; Christian Examiner, i (1824), 182 ff.
12 This paper was founded in 1821 by David Reed (1790-1870), who had studied theology and been licensed to preach, but was never ordained or settled. He felt the need of a weekly newspaper in spirit like the Christian Disciple, but more elementary than that. It began simply as broadly Christian, but in the era of controversy it soon had to take sides, and has ever been a stanch organ of the liberal churches. It is today the oldest religious newspaper in the country.
15 Cf. American Unitarian Association, First Annual Report, 1826, pp. 3, 21. It would appear that though meetings were held with some regularity, and the Lord’s Supper observed at Northumberland as long as Priestley lived, with him as acting minister, and that though they got so far as to build a house of worship, yet the church to which he looked forward was never actually organized while he lived; and after nearly six years, writing to Belsham in London, he was able only to say, “I do not now despair of an Unitarian society being established in this place in a reasonable time’ (March 30, 1800; cf. his Life, ed. Rutt, I, ii, 429).The movement apparently languished until 1822,when the Rev. James Kay from Hindley, Lancashire, came, was made Principal of a local academy, and began preaching at regular intervals, and formed a Tract Society. Cf. Christian Reformer, ix (1822), 198-200.Mr. Kay reported the formation of a “new society” in 1826,with a two story brick meeting-house 25or 30 feet square; and an appropriation of $100 was granted him. In the following summer he went to a new society at Harrisburg. Cf. A. U. A., Second Report, 1827, pp. 14, 50.
19 In 1705 the rule of the Genevese church was repealed which required candidates for ordination to subscribe the Helvetic Confession, and in 1718 Calvin’s catechism was superseded by a Reformed Catechism that was substantially the same as the Geneva Catechism which was widely accepted by the early English and American churches. Cf. The Geneva Catechism, for instruction in the Christian Religion; prepared by the Pastors of Geneva, for the use of the Swiss and French Protestant Churches. Trans. from the French, new ed. 1814 (London, 1818); Jean Jacques Chenevričre, Causes qui retardent chex les Réformés le Progrčs de la Théologie (Genčve, 1819); Christian Examiner, iv(1827), 41-61.
22 Cf. Lyman Beecher, The Faith once delivered to the Saints. Sermon at Worcester, October 15, 1823, etc. (Boston, 1823); Reviewed in Christian Examiner, i(1824), 48-81; reply in Christian Spectator, and reprinted in his Works, ii,301-413; Beecher, Autobiography, chap. lxxii.
23 To make sure that the church building should never by any possibility fall into unbelieving hands, title to it was held not by the proprietors but by a board of trustees chosen from other orthodox churches. This most uncongregational provision was criticized as an attempt at illegal ecclesiastical tryanny. Cf. John Lowell, The Recent Attempt to defeat the Constitutional Provisions in Favor of Religious Freedom, etc. (Boston, 1828). Nothing came of it, for the church was destroyed by fire within a few years, and was rebuilt elsewhere. This scheme was credited to Dr. Beecher, but his friends declared that the trust was drawn before he arrived, and was unknown to him. Cf. Christian Register, February 9, 1828. Several other churches bound themselves by these trust deeds. Cf. Bernard Whitman, Two Letters to Moses Stuart, p.14 f.
25 (Lyman Beecher), Rights of the Congregational Churches of Massachusetts (Boston, 1827); The Congregational Churches of Massachusetts (Spirit of the Pilgrims, i, 1828, 57-94. 113-140);(John Lowell), Review of “Rights” (above), Christian Examiner, iv (1827), 124-153; Vindication of “Rights of the Churches” (Boston, 1828); Review of “Vindication,” Christian Examiner, v (1828), 298-316, 478-505;the above all reviewed in Spirit of the Pilgrims, ii (1829), 370-403;(Caleb Butler), Collection of Facts and Documents relating to Ecclesiastical Affairs in Groton, Mass. (Boston, 1827).
26 When the conservatives had failed in their long efforts to establish Consociations through which Unitarians might be excluded from their pulpits, some of the leading clergy covertly introduced a plan under which the orthodox would refuse to exchange pulpits with Unitarians or otherwise recognize them as Christians, and even used personal pressure when necessary. This was known as the “exclusive policy,” and it was an effective means of splitting the church. Cf. Christian Register, July 23, 1825, p. 1; James Walker, The Exclusive System (Boston, 1827); Christian Examiner, i (1824), 384-398, Remarks on Ministerial Exchanges; Anon., Pulpit Exchanges between the Orthodox and Unitarians (Boston, 1828).
27 Of the nineteen male members of the church one third were liberal, while of the legal voters of the parish about three fourths were liberal. Cf. Account of the Controversy in the First Parish in Cambridge1827-1829 (Boston, 1829); Controversy between the First Parish in Cambridge and the Rev. Dr. Holmes (Cambridge, 1829), reviewed in Spirit of the Pilgrims, ii(1829), 559-571.
28 Cf. Spirit of the Pilgrims, v (1832), 402-434, review of the Brookfield Case. The minister referred to was the Rev. George R. Noyes, later distinguished as an Old Testament scholar, and Professor at the Harvard Divinity School.
30 Cf. Gardner Spring, A Tribute to New England. A Sermon delivered before the New England Society of New York, 22December, 1820 (New York, 1821); (Henry Dwight Sedgwick), Remarks on the Charges made against the Religion and Morals of the People of Boston and its Vicinity by the Rev. Gardiner Spring, D.D., etc. (New York, 1820).
31 Though at first Trinitarians, the Universalists had by this time generally abandoned belief in the Trinity. But the majority of the Unitarians were long reluctant to avow belief in universal salvation, fearing the effect of the belief on morals. Difference in the social origin and the general social status of the two sects long held them apart, and it was yet a generation before the Universalists had outgrown the extreme views of their first leaders and the two were practically at one in doctrine. Cf. Christian Examiner, vi(1839), 249-262; Spirit of the Pilgrims, iii(183o), 205-224, reviewing Hosea Ballou, Recommendation and Reproof of Unitarians (Boston, 1829).
32 Considerable attention was drawn at this time to the case of the first Treasurer of the American Unitarian Association, who had been a member of Dr. Channing’s church and a zealous and active Unitarian, but in his two years’ service was so much impressed by the greater devotion and religious earnestness of the orthodox as compared with the Unitarians that he concluded that theirs must be the truer system, resigned his office, and transferred his membership. He attributed the difference apparently to the doctrine of regeneration. An interesting series of anonymous letters in this connection was given to the public, thus: a) (Lewis Tappan), Letter from a Gentleman in Boston to a Unitarian Clergyman in that City. b) (J. P. Blanchard), Review of A letter, etc. c) (Henry Ware, Jr.), Reply of a Unitarian Clergyman, etc. d)Remarks on the Letter, etc. e) Which Society shall you join, Liberal or Orthodox? All Boston, 1828.
34 William Ellery Channing, Discourse preached at the Dedication of the Second Congregational Unitarian Church, New York, December 7, 1826 (New York, 1827); Review of the Rev. Dr. Channing’s Discourse, etc. (Boston, 1827).
35 Cf. Parsons Cooke, Unitarianism an Exclusive System (Boston, 1828); (Isaac Parker), ‘Letter to the Rev. Parsons Cooke,’ Christian Examiner, iv(1828), 276-283; (Parsons Cooke), A Reply to a Letter in the Christian Examiner (Boston, 1829).
36 The Massachusetts Election Sermon, preached before the Governor and Council at noon of election day (the last Wednesday in May), was instituted 1634 with the Rev. John Cotton as preacher. The custom was continued with rare exceptions until 1884, when Dr. A. A. Miner was the last preacher. The preacher was chosen by the Governor and Council. The sermon was likely to deal with public questions from the standpoint of religion, and was often a notable utterance.
37 William E. Channing, A Sermon Preached at the Annual Election, May 26, 1830 (Boston, 1830); Moses Stuart, A Letter to William E. Channing, D.D., on the Subject of Religious Liberty (Boston, 1830).
39 Cf. (Enoch Pond), ‘Review of Mr, Whitman’s Letters to Professor Stuart on Religious Liberty,’ Spirit of the Pilgrims, iv (1831), 117-180; also separately; Whitman, Reply to the Review of Whitman’s Letters to Professor Stuart, Spirit of the Pilgrims, iv (1831), 326-336, reviewed in Christian Examiner, x (1831), 385-394.
40 Cf. John Codman, Speech in the Board of Overseers of Harvard College, Feb. 3, 1881, n. p.; F. C. Gray, Letter to Governor Lincoln in relation to Harvard University (Boston, 1831); Christian Examiner, x (1831), 129-160;‘Review of Certain Publications relating to Harvard College,’ Spirit of the Pilgrims, iv (1831), 373-386.
41 Dr. Beecher went to preside over a new Theological Seminary at Cincinnati, where he later had the experience of being himself defendant against a charge of heresy brought by his conservative brethren. Of his seven sons, all ministers, three became well known for their liberal views, and one of his granddaughters became the wife of the Unitarian, Edward Everett Hale.
43 Cf. George B. Cheever, Some of the Principles according to which this world is managed, contrasted with the Governmentof God, etc. (Boston, 1833);reviewed in Christian Examiner, iv (1834), 171-192;Cheever, ‘The Course and System of the Unitarians Plainly and Solemnly Surveyed: a Letter to the Conductors of the Christian Examiner,’ Spirit of the Pilgrims, vi (1834), 708-734, also separately. Parallel with the above was a controversy running about half a year in the Salem Gazette between the Rev. Charles W. Upham and Cheever. Upham’s articles were reprinted (1834)under the title, Salem Controversy.
Unitarianism had long been dominant at Salem when Cheever settled there as a young man, and found orthodoxy declining. His ministry there was marked by a violent campaign against the Unitarians.
44 For an interesting contemporary account of the growth of the denomination, cf. an article by John Parkman in Christian Examiner, lvi (1854), 397-428;and the History of the Association at its twenty-fifth anniversary in A. U. A., Twenty-fifth Report (Boston, 1850), 8-48.
50 Cf. Henry Ware, Jr., The Personality of the Deity. A Sermon preached in the chapel of the University (Boston, 1838); Works, III,26-39; review in Christian Examiner, xii(1838), 267 f; Ware, Memoir, ii, 183-188.
51 Cf. Andrews Norton, A Discourse on the Latest Form of Infidelity (Cambridge, 1839); review by Andrew P. Peabody, Christian Examiner, xxvii (1840), 221-225.From this point on for several pages I shall use substantially an account that I have used in an earlier publication and shall not try to improve.
52 Cf. (George Ripley) Letters on The Latest Form of Infidelity (Boston, 1839); Norton, Remarks on a Pamphlet entitled ‘The Latest Form of Infidelity Examined’ (Cambridge, 1839); Ripley, A Second Letter to Mr. Andrews Norton, etc. (Boston, 1840); Ripley, A Third Letter,,etc. (Boston, 1840); Levi Blodgett (Theodore Parker), The Previous Question between Mr. Andrews Norton and his Alumni, etc. (Boston, 1840); (Richard Hildreth), A Letter to Andrews Norton, on Miracles as the Foundation of Religious Faith (Boston, 1940).
55 The final act of expiation by the denomination was the publication by the American Unitarian Association in 1885 of a selection from his writings, entitled Views ofReligion, with an introduction by James Freeman Clarke.
8 The published official records of the meetings are greatly condensed, and give little idea of what was said in the actual debate; and they have to be supplemented from other contemporary sources, especially from Edward C. Towne, Unitarian Fellowship and Liberty: a Letter to Rev. Henry W. Bellows, D.D. (Cambridge, 1866). Cf. Report of the Convention of Unitarian Churches . . . April,1865 (Boston, 1866), Stow Persons, Free Religion, an American Faith (New Haven, 1947).
10 This college had been founded in northwestern Ohio in 1852 by the Christian Connection, on a non-sectarian basis. It marked an important step toward religious freedom in American education, for only three or four colleges in the country were quite free from sectarian control. Unitarians had from the start contributed to it generously, the Unitarian Horace Mann had been its first President, 1852-59, and it promised to become in the West as liberal an influence as Harvard had been in New England; but it had fallen into serious financial embarrassment, and was about to close. In consequence of the action of the Unitarian Conference and the aid there promised, the college was saved, and control of it was given to the Unitarians. Cf. H. W. Bellows, ‘The Claims of Antioch College,’ Monthly Journal, vii (1866), 81-87, 131-141.
17 Article IX. “ . . all the declarations of this Conference, including the Preamble and Constitution, are expressions only of its majority, committing in no degree those who object to them,” Adopted 326 to 12. Report of the Third Meeting of the National Conference (New York, 1868), p. 87.
21 Substituted for Article IX, v. supra, p. 475.The substitute ran, “reaffirming our allegiance to the Gospel of Jesus Christ, . . . we invite to our fellowship all who wish to be followers of Christ.”
Though he had won his point in the amendment he had offered, Hepworth became increasingly dissatisfied with the denomination and more in sympathy with the orthodox; and two years later he left his pulpit and entered the orthodox ministry. Late in life he made overtures for returning to the Unitarian ministry, but was discouraged from doing so.
24 Article X. “While we believe that the Preamble and Articles of our Constitution fairly represent the opinions of the majority of our churches, yet we wish, distinctly, to put on record our declaration that they are no authoritative test of Unitarianism, and are not intended to exclude from our fellowship any who, while differing from us in belief, are in general sympathy with our purposes and practical aims.”
25 For authorities as to what follows, see contemporary issues of Unity (Chicago) and The Unitarian (Ann Arbor); J. T. Sunderland, The Issue in the West (Chicago, 1886); W. G. Gannett, Unitarianism or Something Better (Chicago, 1887); Mrs. S. C. Ll. Jones, The Western Unitarian Conference, its Work and Mission, Unity Mission Tract No. 38 (Chicago, 1890).
31 “These churches accept the religion of Jesus, holding, in accordance with his teaching, that practical religion is summed up in love to God and love to man . . . and we cordially invite to our working fellowship any who, while differing from us in belief, are in general sympathy with our spirit and our practical aims.”
Formulated by the Rev. J. T. Sunderland, presented by the Rev. M. J. Savage, amended by the Rev. George L. Chancy.
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