Chapter 1 Notes

1 Its names, when taken from heresies with which its opponents sought to identify it, have been Ebionism, Sabellianism, Samosatenianism, Arianssm, Photinianism. Its adherents, named from their leaders, have beers called Servetians, Budnaeans, Farnovians, Socinians, Bidellians; from the chief seats of their activity, Pinczovians or Racovians; if from their distinctive doctrines, Monarchians, Antitrinitarians, Tritheists, Bideites, Trinitarians! Unitarians. They themselves have preferred to be called simply Christians, Polish Brethren, Rational Christians, Catholic Christians, Liberal Christians, and Unitarians. Of these names, Arians is the one that was (and still is) most widely current in Poland; Unitarians, throughout in Transylvania; Socinians, in western Europe and for some time in England; while controversialists in Germany freely employed the term Photinians. The flame Unitarian, as will be seen, has had different connotations at different times; but though by many not too willingly borne, as giving undue emphasis to a single doctrine, it has now by the usage of more than a century in England and America become well established.

2 For a fuller development of this view, see the author’s article, ‘The Meaning and Lesson of Unitarian History,’ in the Proceedings of the Unitarian Historical Society (London, 1926), iii. 350.

3 For the classic statement of this view, see Joseph Priestley, History of the Corruptions of Christianity (London, 1782).

4 For the full development of this thought, see Edwin Hatch, The Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages upon the Christian Church (Hibbert Lectures), London, 1890

5 For a lucid account of the following development of Christian thought, see Albert Réville, History of the Dogma of the Deity of Jesus Christ (London, 1905), chaps. iii—iv.

6 We, the three Emperors, will that all our subjects . . . believe the one divinity of the Father, Son and Holy Spirit, of majesty co-equal, in the Holy Trinity. We will that those that embrace this creed be called Catholic Christians. We brand all the senseless followers of other religions by the infamous name of heretics, and forbid their conventicles to assume the name of churches, etc. Codex Theodosianus, xvi, 1, 2.

7 Codex Justinianeus, I, i, 5.

Chapter 2 Notes

1 cf. Friedrich Thudichum, Die deutche, Reformation, (Leipzig, 1909), ii, 151; id., Papsttum und Reformation (Leipzig, 19O3), p. 333.

2 cf. Robert Holkot, Super quatuor libros Sententíarum, I, quaest. 5.

3 cf. Thudichum, Papsttum, pp. 101, 371.

4 Dogma nullum habemus, diversum ab ecclesia Romana. Letter of Ju!y 6, 1530, to Cardinal Campeggio. Melanchthon, Opera, ed. Bretachneider (Braunschweig, 1834—1860), ii, 170, On the genuineness of this passage, cf. Benrath in Jahrbücher für protestantische Theologie, viii (1882), 179 f.

5 I. John v. 7. Compare the Revised English Version with the Authorized Version, noting the omission.

6 For many citations of his antitrinitarian tendencies, cf. Henri Tollin, ‘Der Verfasser De Trinitatis Erroribus und die zeitgenossischen Katholiken,’ Jahrbücher für protestantische Theologie, xvii (1891), 389—412; Étienne Chaste, Histoire du Christianisme (Paris, 1881—’83), iv, 380, and all along here, iv, 379—385; G. Bonet-Maury, Sources of English Unitarian Christianity (London, 1884), pp. 41—44; Charles Beard, Reformation of the Sixteenth Century (Hibbert Lectures), London, 1883; pp. 149—152. See Erasmus’s annotations on John i, I; Rom. ix, 5; I. John v. 7; cf. his Opera (Leiden edition), ix, 1040B, 1050D.

7 Vocula haec Trinitas nusquam in divinis scriptoribus reperitur, caeterum humanitus tantummodo inventa. Unde omnino etiam frigide sonat; ac multo praestabilius foret; si Deus potiusquam Trinitas dicatur. Postilla major super Dominicam Trinitatis. cf. Bonet-Maury, op. cit., pp. 12—14, 221; T. M. Lindsay, History of the Reformation (New York, 1910), i, 471 f; Maurice Schwalb, Luther, ses opinions religieuses (Strasbourg, 1866), p 72.

8 cf. Christopher Sandius, Nucleus Historiae Ecclesiasticae (ed. 2, Coloniae, 1676), p. 423.

9Loci theologici, 1521, ed. Plitt (Erlangen, 1864), p. 103 ff. Text and translation also in Bonet-Maury, op. cit., p. 10 ff; Chastel, op. cit., iv, 380.

10 cf. Friedrich Trechsel, Die Protestantischen Antitrinitarier nor Faustus Socin (Heidelberg, 1839), i, 160; Abraham Ruchat, Histoire de Ia Réformation de la Suisse (Nyon, 1836), V, 27 ff.

11 cf. on Matt. xxvii. 34; Luke ii. 40; John x. 30, 36; xvii. 21. Aegidius Hunnius, Calvinus judaizans, etc. (Witebergae, 1595), examines and cites many passages in Calvin’s commentaries in which he rejects the orthodox interpretation in favor of the doctrine of the Trinity, and approves one more acceptable to Antitrinitarianism, and thus lays a foundation for Arianism.

12 Vides ergo carmen esse, magis cantillando aptum quam formulam confessionis. "Adversus Caroli calumnias," in Calvin, Opera, ed. Baum, Cunitz et Reuss (Brunsvigae, 1863—1900), vii, 316.

13 Precatio vulgo trita: Sancta Trinitas unus Deus miserere nostri, mihi non placet, ac omnino barbariem sapit; "Epistola ad Polonos," April 30, 1563, Calvin, ix, 647. cf. Bonet-Maury, op. cit., pp. 15-17; Chastel, op. cit., iv, 381. The Genova Confession of 1536 in art. ii. expresses belief in ‘"ung seul Dieu," but gives no intimation of a Trinity; cf. Calvin, ix, 693.

14 Ubique difusus omnia sustinet, vegitat et vivificat, in coelo et terra. "Institutio" (1559), I. xiii. 14; ii, 202. cf. La Rochelle Confession, art. vi, ‘Le Saint-Esprit, sa vertu, puissance, et efficace."

15 cf. Chastel, op. cit., iv, 381; Philip Schaff, History of the Christian Church (New York, 1885—1907), vii, 351, 632; Ruchat, op. cit., V, 16—24.

16 Guillaume Farel, Sommaire’ et briève déclaration d’aucuns Ijeux fort nécessaires a ung chacun Chrétien (reprint of the ed. of 1534, Genève, 1867). cf. chap. i., ‘De Dieu"; ii., ‘De Jésus Christ."

17 cf. Réville, Deity, p. 204 f. At Marburg Luther charged both Zwingli and Oecolampadius with encouraging denial of the Trinity. cf. Bonet-Maory. op. cit., pp. 15, 55 n. For yet other examples, cf. Trechsel, op. cit., i, 156-164.

 

Chapter 3 Notes

1 cf. H. E. Dosker, The Anabaptists (Philadelphia, 1921), p. 33.

2 Thudichum, Reformation, ii, 151 f.

3 Das unser Christus Jesus warer Gott sey, zeugnüs der heyligen geschrifft, wider die newen Juden und Arrianer, unter Christlichem namen, welche die Gottheyt Christi verleugnen. (Nürnberg, 1527), p. aa. ii.

4 See Athenae Rauricae (Basileae, 1778), p. 24 f; Camill Gerbert, Geschichte der Strassburger Sektenbewegung (Strassburg, 1889), pp. 64-70; Bernhard Riggenbach, article in Basler Jahrbuch (Basel, 1900), pp. 47-84; Stanislaus von Dunin Borkowski, ‘Quellenstudien zur Vorgeschichte der Unitarier des 16 Jahrhunderts’ (in 75 Jahre Stella Matutina, Festschrift, Feldkirch, 1931), i, 121-125.

5 cf. Zwingli, Säsmtliche Werke, hrsg. Egli u. Finsler (Leipzig, 1905-), ix, 191 f; Ludwig Keller, Ein Apostle der Wiedertäffer (Leipzig, 1882), p. 153

6 Sit ille Deus plene per plenam participationem Deitatis quac in eo habitat corporaliter, et per plenam participationem Spiritus Sancti quem ad mensuram non habet. At et nos Dei et filii excelsi omnes sumus, participatione Deitatis et Spiritus ejusdem. op. cit., p. 28a.

7 Under the title, De restauratione ecclesiae, as a part of Blandrata’s De Mediatore (Albae Juliae, 1568.)

8 In entering upon his new career he gave up the name Cellarius which he had previously adopted, and resumed his original name of Borrhäus.

9 For the proof, with citation of passages, cf. Dunin Borkowski, op. cit., p. 121 ff.

10 cf. Wilhelm Heberle, Johann Denk und sein Büchlein vom Gesetz,’ Theologische

Studien und Kritiken, xxiv (1851), 121-194, 412 f; do., ‘Johann Denk und die Ausbreitung seiner Lehre,’ id. op., xxviii (1855), 817-890; Ludwig Keller, op. cit.; Realency-klopädie von protestantischer Theologie und Kirche, 3. AufI., iv, 576; Mennonitisches Lexikon (Frankfurt a/M., 1913-), i, 401-414; Rufus M. Jones, Spiritual Reformers in the 16th and 17th centuries (New York, 1914), chap. ii., ‘Hans Denck and the Inward Word"; Frederick L. Weis, Life, Teachings and Works of Johannes Denck (Strasbourg, 1924).

11 cf. Heberle, in Studien und Kritiken, xxviii, 847 ff.

12 Alle Propheten nach Hebräischer sprach verteutscht von Ludwig Hetzer und Hans Dengk (Wormbs, 1527).

13 cf. Frederick L. Weis, Life, Teachings and Works of Ludwig Heizer (Lancaster, 1930), p. 141.

14 cf. Keller, Apostel, p. 210.

15 Wer die warhait warlich lieb hat (1525); Was geredt sey, das die Schrifft sagt (1526); Ordnung Gottes, und der Creaturen werck (1526); Vom Gesatz Gottes (1526); Von der Waren Lieb (1527). Denck’s tracts were reprinted in one volume at Amsterdam, 1680, under tht title, Geistliches Blumengärtlein.

16 cf. Heberle, in Studien und Kritiken, xxviii (1855), 828-831.

17 Allmacht, Güte und Gerechtigkeit, das ist die Dreifaltigkeit, einigkeit und einige Dreiheit Gottes.

18 Norimbergae ludimagister apud TheobaIdi templum negavit spirituan sanctum et filium esse aequalem Patri, qui ob id pulsus et ejectus est. Capito to Zwingli, Feb. 6, 1525, Zwingli, Werke, viii, 302.

19 Bucer to Zwingli, Aug. 23, 1527, Zwingli, Werke, ix, 185.

20 Keller, Apostel p. 245.

21 cf. Theodor Keim, ‘Ludwig Hetzer’, Jahrbücher für deutsche Theologie, i (1856), 215-288; Realencyk., vii, 325; Weis, Hetzer.

22 For the decree of the Council in the case, cf. Weis, Hetzer, p.135 f.

23 cf J. H. Ottius, Annales Anabaptistici (Basileae, 1672), anno 1528, p. 46.

24 cf. Thomas Blaurer, Wie L. Hetzer zu Costenz mit dem Schwertgericht uss, diesm zyt abscheyden ist (Constanz, 1529); Sebastian Franck, Chronica (Strassburg, 1531), p. 415b; J. J. Hottinger, Helvetische Kirchen-Geschichten (Zurich, 1698-1729), iii, 498 f; J. Breitinger, ‘Anekdota quaedam de Ludovico, Haetzer’ Museum Helveticum (Zürich, 1751), vi, 100-121; Tieleman J. van Braght, Martyrology of the Churches of Christ commonly called Baptist, etc. (London, 1850), i, 97-100 (Hanserd Knollys Society Publications, vol vi).

25 cf. Capiro to Zwingli, July 7, 1527, Zwingli, Werke, ix, 267 f; quoted in Weis, Hetzer, p. 239.

26 Preserved in Franck, Chronica, loc. cit.; reproduced also by Breitinger, op. cii., p 117; F. S. Bock, Historia Antitriniariorum (Regiomonti et Lipsiae, 1776), ii, 235; Joseph Beck, Geschichtsbücher der Wiedertäuffer in Oesterreich-Ungarn (Foutes Rerum Austriacarum, ii. Abteilung, Bd. 43, Wien, 1883), p. 34; Weis, Hetzer, p. 214 f.

27 cf. Ottius, op. Cit., anno 1529, sec. 4: Deitatem Christi ex illo hominum genere primus impugnavit libro scripto, quem suppressit Zwinglius.

28 cf. Keim, Hetzer, p. 284.

29 Printed in Johannes Heumann, Documenta literaria (Leipzig, 1758), p. 65; J. E. Gayler, Historische Denkwürdigkeiten von Reutlingen (Reutlingen, 1840), p. 317; Heberic in Studien und Kritiken, xxviii (1855), 854; Weis, Hetzer, p. 218.

30 The reference has often been supposed to be to Servetus, or even to the Socinians. The dates make this impossible. Servetus did not publish until 1531, and the Socinians not until a generation later. The liberal Anabaptists must have been in mind. cf. Henricus ab Allwoerden, Historia Michaelis Serveti (Helmstadii, 1728), pp. 26-29; J. G. Walch, Dissertatio de Samosatenianis neotericis quorum mentio fit in Confessione Augustana (Jenae, 1730), pp. 14—25.

31 cf. Heberle in Studien und Kritiken, xxviii (1855), 838-847; Weis, Hetzer, pp. 146-151

32 cf. Zwingli, Opera, ed Schuler et Schulthess (Zürich, 1829-‘42), viii. 77, n. I; Heberle in article above cited, pp. 840—842; Thudichum, Reformation, ii, 162; Weis, Hetzer, p 249 f.

33 Getrewe Warnung der Prediger des Evangelii zu Strassburg über die Artikel so Jacob Kautz, Prediger zu Worms, kürtzilch hat lassen aussgehn, die Frucht der Schrift und Gottes Worts, den Kinder Tauff und erlösung unsers Herrsn Jesu Christi sampt anderm, darin sich Hans Dencken und anderer widertäuffer schwere ythumb erregen betreffend (Strassburg, 1527).

34 cf. Keim, Hetzer, i, 276; F. W. E. Roth, Buchdruckereien zu Worms (Worms, 1892), p. 4.

35 cf. T. W. Röhrich, Geschichte der Reformation im Elsass (Strassburg, 1830—32), i, 341; id., Zur Geschichte der strassburgischen Wiedertäuffer’, Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie, xxx (1860), 43—48.

36 cf. Röhrich, Reformation, ii, 76; id., Wiedertäuffer, pp. 60—64.

37 cf. J. G. Schelhorn, ‘De Joanne Campano Anti-trinitario dissertatio’ (Amoenitates Literariae, Frankfurt, 1725-‘31), xi, 1—92; Trechsel, Antitrinitarier, i, 26—34; Karl Rembert, Wiedertäufer im Herzogtum Jülich (Berlin, 1899), 161—302; Mennonit. Lex., i, 317-324.

38 cf. W. D. Tenzel, Historischer Bericht . . der Reformation Lutheri, ed. Cyprian (Leipzig, 1717), p. 98. Campanus attacked the doctrine of the Trinity in Holland as early as 1524; cf. Rembert, op. cit., p. 164.

39 cf. Melanchthon, Opera, ii, 13.

40 Attulit magnum acervum impiorum dogmatum . . disputat Christum non esse Deum, Spiritum Sanctum non ease Deum, peccatum originale nomen inane esse. cf. Melanchthon to Myconius, March 27, 1530, Opera, ii, 33.

41 cf Rembert, op. cit., pp. 217—226.

42 Contra totum post Apostolos mundum.

43 Göttlicher und heiliger Schrifft, vor vilen jaren verdunckelt, und durch unheylsame leer and Leren (ausz Gottes zulassung) verfinstert, Restitution und besserung (1532). cf. Rembert, op. cit., pp. 238—264.

44 Luther in his Table-talk said of him, Diesen verfluchtcn Unflat und Buben sol man nur verachten und sobald nicht wider ihn schreiben; denn da man wider ihn schreibe, so würde er desto kühner stolzer und mutiger ... Da sprach M. Philip: Mein Bedencken were, dass man ihn an den liechten Galgen hienge, und solchs hette er seinem Herrn geschrieben. cf. Schelhorn, Campanus, p. 11. In his Table-talk for 1532 Luther also spoke of ‘eim grewlich boss Buch wider die heilige Dreieinigkeit im Druck ausgegarsgen.’ This has generally been supposed to refer to Servetus’s book of 1531 on the Errors of the Trinity; but the reference fits Campanus equally well. (id., p. 56). cf. Melanchthon, Opera, ii, 29, 513.

45 cf. Rembert, op. cit., p. 276, n.

46 cf. H. W. Erbkam, Geschichte der protestantischen Sekten im Zeitalter der Reformation (Hamburg, 1848), pp. 286—357; C. A. Hase, Sebastian Franck von Wörd der Schwarmgeist (Leipzig, 1869); H. Ziegler, ‘Kurze Darstellung Franck’s theologischen Standpunkts,’ Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche Theologie, xii (1869), 383—421; J. F. Smith, Sebastian Franck, Heretic, Mystic and Reformer of the Reformation,’ Theological Review, xi (1874), 158—179; Alfred Hegler, Geist und Schrift bei Sebastian Franck (Freiburg i/B, 1892); Edwin Tausch, Sebastian Frauck von Donauwörth und seine Lehrer, (Berlin, 1893); Jones, Reformers, chap. iv., "Sebastian Franck: an Apostle of Inward Religion"; Alligemeine Deutsche Biographie, vii, 214; Realency., vi, 142; Mennonit. Lex., i, 668—674.

47 Chronica, Zeytbuch und Geschijchtbibel von anbegyn biss inn diss gegenwertig MDXXXI Yar (Strassburg, 1531).

48 Strassburg, Feb. 4, 1531. . . Der Spainier Servatus stellt in seinem Bünderlein alleine eine Person Gottes auf; Gott den Vater namlich nennt er einen selbständigen Geist; keiner von beiden ist dagegen eine Person. Die Römische Kirche lehrt, dass da 3 Personen an einem Wesen sind, Ich halte lieber mit dem Spanier. Rembert, Wiedertäuffer, p. 225.

49 cf. Alexander Nicoladoni, Johannes Blünderlin von Linz, und die oberösterreihischen Täufergemeinden in den Jabren 1525—1531 (Berlin, 1893); Jones, Reformers, chap. iii, "Two prophets of the Inward Word, Bünderlin and Entfelder"; Dunin Borkowski, Quellenstudien, pp. 110—122; Mennonit. Lex., 298—300.

50 cf. Georg Veesenmeyer, in Neues theologisches Journal, iv (1800), 309—334; Jones, ut supra; Dunin Borkowski, op. cii., pp. 116—110; Mennonit. Lex., i, 594 f.

51 Von Gottes unnd Christi Jesu unnseres Herren erkändtnuss, etc., c. 1530. Bock, Antitrinitar., ii, 240, erroneously attributes to a work of Denck a teaching clearly quoted from tIus book.

52 cf. Röhrich, Reformation, ii, 72 ff; Dunin Borkowski, ‘Utersuchungen zum Schrifttum der Unitarier vor Faustus Socini,’ 75 Jahre Stella Matutina. Festschrift (Feldkirch, 1931), ii, 110-112.

53 Incorrectly, Conrad in Gassen. cf. Christian Wurstisein, Bazler Chronik, ed. 3 (Basel, 1883), p. 411; Basler Choniken (Leipzig, 1872—1902), vi, 130, 201; Peter Ochs, Geschihte der Stadt und Landschaft Basel (Berlin 1786), vi, 28.

 

Chapter 4 Notes

1 cf. B. N. Krohn, Melchior Hofmann und die Secte, Hofmannianer (Liepzig,. 1758); Hermann Krohn, Essai sur Ia vie et les écrits de M. Hofmann (Strasbourg, 1852); W. 1. Leendertz, Melchior, Hofmann (HaarIem, 1883); F. 0. zur Linden, Melchior Hofmann, ein Prophet der Wiedertaüfer (HaarIem, 1885); Realencyk., viii, 222; Allg. D. Biog., xii, 636 f. Three of his works in Bibliotheca Reformatoria Neelandica (‘s Graveanhage, 1909), v, I25—314.

2 cf. Röhrich, Wiedertäuffer, p. 65.

3 cf. William Bradford, Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V (London, 1850), p. 471; H. T. Buckle, History of Civilization (London, 1873), i, 189.

4 cf. Bibliotheca Reformatoria Neerlandica, v, 315—581, reprinting Pastor’s Underscheid, and Disputation, with introductions. cf. A. H, Newman, ‘Adam Pastor, Antitrinitarian Antipaedobaptist,’ Papers of the American Society of Church History (second series, New York, 1917), v, 73-99; Dunin Borkowski, Untersuchungen, pp. 106—109; id, ‘Die Gruppierung der Antitrinitarier des 16. Jahrhunderts,’ Scholastik (Bonn, 1932), vii, 487—493.

5 cf. Bonet-Maury, Source,, p. 48.

6 Underscheid tassechen rechte leer unde valsche leer, with an appendix, Disputation van der Godtheit des Vader, Sone, unde Hilligen Geist, both in the Bibliotheca Reformatoria Neerlandica above cited.

7 Joris is an obsoIete Dutch form of Georg. His father was Joris de Koman; the son’s name Joris is thus a patronymic. Of the voluminous literature, cf. (Johannes Acronius), Davidis Georgii Holandi haeresiarchae vita ci doctrina (Basileae, 1559); Nicolaus Blesdijk, Historia vitae, doctrinae, ac rerum gestarurn Davidis Georgii haeresiarchae (Daventriae, 1642); Friedrich Jessen, Auffgedeclkte Larve Davidis Georgii (Kiel, 1670); Gottfried Arnold, Unpartheyische Kirchen- und Ketzer Historie (Franckfurt, 1729), ii, 750—778; IV, 534-737 (apologetic); A. M. Cramer, ‘Levensbeschrijving vao David Joris,’ Nederlandsch Archiev voor kerkeliike Geschiedenis, v, 1—145; vi, 289—368 (1845, 1846); Friedrich Nippold, ‘David Joris van Delft, sein Leben, seine Lehre und seine Secte,’ Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie, xxxiii, 3—166; xxxiv, 483—673; xxxviii, 475—591 (1863, 1864, 1868); Antonius van der Linde, David Joris, Bibliografie (‘s Gravenhage, 1867); Paul Burckhardt, David Joris,’ Basler Biographien (Basel, 1900), i, 91—157; Roland H. Bainton, David Joris (Leipzig, 1937).

8 He had been excommuniated by the Hofmannites at Strasburg and by the Mennonites in Friesland for his antitrinitarian opinions. cf. Bonet-Maury, Sources, p. 47.

9 ‘t Wonderboeck, waerin tat van der Wereldaen per slaten gheoperbaert is. 1542 and later.

10 The Spiesshof in town, and the Schloss zum Holée in the suburb of Binningen, are still extant. A fine portrait of Joris hangs in the public art museum near the Minster.

11 cf. Dunin Borkowiki. Gruppierung, p. 483 f; Nippold, Joris, xxxviii, 54O.

12 cf. Friedrich Nippold, ‘Heinrich Nicklaes und das Haus, der Liebe,’ Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie, xxxiii (1862), 323-402, 473—563; Rufus M. Jones, Studies in Mystical Religion, (New York, 1909), pp. 428—448.

 

Chapter 5 Notes

1 The common Latin form of the name. The correct Spanish form is Miguel Serveto alias Reves; but this is in several respects so unusual a name that it was long and persistently conjectured that some other form must be the correct one; that the real name must have been Servede; that the alias must be a Latin equivalent for the Spanish y, and Reves therefore the mother’s family name; that Reves was an anagram (ignoring the t) for Serve; while the forms de Reves, Renes, Rennes, and Revers also occur. The question was at last settled by the discovery of seventeen documents in the archives of Santa Maria de Sigena, and attested 1511—’38 by his father, whose name is in each case given as above. Apparently the elder Serveto added alias Reves to his name when he became proprietor of the casa de Reves at Sigena. cf. Mariano de Pano, ‘La Familia de Miguel Servet,’ Revista de Aragón, ii (April, May, 1901), 119 ff., 151 ff.

Despite the great mass of Servetus literature, there is still far from being any satisfactory life. The chief sources are in his own works; in Calvin’s Opera (Corpus Reformatorum), vol. viii, containing the records of the Geneva trial and much supplementary contemporary material; and in l’Abbé Antoine Gachet d’Artigny’s Nouveaux Mémoire’s d’histoire, de critique et de littérature, vol. ii (Paris, 1749), giving records of the Vienne trial. Of subsequent works the most valuable are J. L. von Mosheim, Anderweitiger Versuch einer . . .Geschichte . . . Michaels Serveto (Helmstedt, 1748); supplemented by his Neue Nachrichten von . . . Michael Serveto (ibid., 1750); Robert Willis, Servetus and Calvin (London, 1877); A. van der Linde, Michael Servet, een brandoffer der gereformeerde Inquisitie (Groningen, 1891); Sigismundo Pey-Ordeix, Miguel Servet, etc. (Madrid, 1911); José Goyanes, Miguel Serveto, Teólogo, Geógrafo, y Médico, etc. (Madrid, 1933). Also some seventy titles of works and periodical articles (1874—’94) by Henri Tollin, upon whom all later writers have largely based their writing. Though often suggestive, his statements and judgments, however positively given, deserve to be taken only with great critical caution. For a useful introduction to the literature, cf. Roland H. Bainton, ‘The present state of Servetus Studies,’ Journal of Modern History, iv (x 1932), 72—92.

2 cf. E. Stähelin, Johannes Calvin (Elberfeld, 1863), i, 428

3 cf. Trechsel, Antitrinitarier, i, 61.

4 Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo, Historia de los Heterodoxos Españoles (Madrid, 1880), ii, 249.

5 cf. Henri Tollin, Servet’s Kindheit und Jugend’ Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie, xiv (1875), 545—616.

6 At Vienne he testified that he was a native of Tudela in Navarre, and also at his trial in Paris he said he was Navarrese (cf. Tollin, ‘Kindheit’; id. Zur Servet-kritik,’ Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche Theologie, xxi (1878), 450; but at Geneva he said he was a native of Villanueva in Aragön. Reasons may easily be found for either answer. Opinion generally favors Tudela, but from early infancy his home was certainly at Vilanueva. No parish records are extant for either place.

7 cf. van tier Linde, Servet, p. 235.

8 cf. Dr. B. R. Barrios, Quelques notes sur Michel Servet’, Chronique Médical, xii (Paris, Aug. 15, 1905), 556. Doubt is entertained whether any certainly authentic portrait of Servetus himself is extant. Allwoerden published as frontispiece to his work an engraving carefully made from a very old painting possessed by the Kirchenrat and Domprediger Peter Adoph Boysen of Halberstadt, whose provenance could be traced back to the famous Socinian scholar Johannes Crellius, who died eighty years after Socinus. Its further origin was unknown; but it was always regarded as authentic, and it was conjectured that it might have been made during Servetus’s final imprisonment. Into whose hands it passed after Boysen’s death is also unknown. cf. Allwoerden, Servetus, p. 147 ff; Mosheim, Versuch, p. 24 ff. The earliest printed portrait is the one engraved by Christoffel van Sichem (Amsterdam, 1607) and often reproduced. It is evidently derived from the same source. cf. J. P. Magnin, Celtic et Servet (Wiesbaden, 1886), p. 32.

9 cf. van der Linde, Servet, p. 4 f. Servetus states his age only approximately, and the various data given are conflicting. From his testimony at Vienne the date would seem to be 1511; at Geneva, 1509, the same as Calvin’s. There is no ground for making the day September 29 (as given on the Geneva monument) except the gratuitous assumption that he was named Michael from having been born on St, Michael’s day.

10 Gordon’s statement (Encyclopaedia Britannica, s. v. Servetus) that the father was Hernando Villanueva of San Gil rested upon a letter in the Record Office discovered in 1890, and was later acknowledged to be incorrect.

11 cI. de Pano, Familia.

12 Gordon very plausibly guesses the College of Huesca, cf. his The Personality of Michael Servetus (Manchester, 1910), p. 8; and his Addresses (Manchester, 1922), p. 12.

13 As by W. Lindanus, Tabulae grassantium haereseon (Paris, 1562), cited by Socinus, Opera, ii, 535 cf. Allwoerden, Servetus, pp. 7—21; Mosheim, Versuch, pp. 8-11; Bock’, Antitrinitar., ii, 324—326.

14 cf. Calvin, viii. 767; Tollin, ‘Michael Servet’s Toulouser Leben,’ Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche Theologie, xx (1877), 342—386; id., ‘Toulouser Studentenleben im Anfang des 16. Jahrhunderts,’ Historitches Taschenbuch, xliv (1874), 77-98.

15 cf. Calvin, loc. cit. Reading of the Bible was forbidden at Toulouse.

16 cf. Servetus, Dr Trinitatis, erroribus, pp. 32a, 35b.

17 cf. E. Rosseuw St. Hilaire, Histoire d’Espagne (Paris, 1837—’39), VI, 33 f.

18 cf. Dr Trin., pp. 107b, 78b, 79a.

19 This follows from Servetus’s testimony at Vienne. cf. d’Artigny, Mémoires, ii, 102.

20 Quintana was made confessor at Bologna in the spring of 1530, succeeding the bigoted Dominican, Garcia tie Loyasa. Desiring if possible to conciliate the reforming party at the coming Diet at Augsburg, Charles wished as his spiritual adviser a more tolerant man than Loyasa, who was for taking the severest measures, and was therefore now transferred to Rome as Charles’s representative at the Papal court. He was later recalled to service, and finally became Inquisitor-General of Spain. Quintana, after serving over two years as Confessor, returned to cloistered life in Spain as Prior of Montearagón and member of the Cortes, and died at Segovia in 1534. cf. Tollin, ‘Die Beichtväter Kaiser Karls V.’ Magazin für die Literatur des Auslandes, xliii (April 4-May 2, 1874), 201 ff.

21 cf. d’Artiguy, Mémoires ii, 102.

22 From Oct. 5 to March 22, 1530. cf. Vandesse’s Itinerary of Charles V.,’ in William Bradford, Correspondence of Charles V. (London, 1850).

23 cf. contemporary accounts in Henricus Cornelius Agrippa, ‘De duplici coronatione Caroli V. Caesaris apud Bononia historiola’ in Schardius Redivivus (Giessae, 1674), ii, 266—275; and in Franck, Chronica, pp. ccxxvi a—ccxxviii a; Tollin, ‘Eine italienitche Kaiserreise,’ Historisches Tashenbuch, xlvii (1877), 51—103.

24 Servetus, Christianismi Restitutio, pg. 462. ‘The allusion evidently is not, as Mosheim conjectured (Versuch, p. 55) to an experience in Rome, but to the coronation at Bologna.

25 cf. Tollim, Michael Servet und Martin Butzer (Berlin, 1880), p. 74 f.; id. Servet auf dem Reichstag zu Augsburg, Evangelisch-Reformirte Kirchenzeitung, xxvi (1876), 155 ff., who builds too much on an indefinite reference of Spalatin

26 cf. Tollin, Der Reichstag von Auguburg,’ Historisches Taschenbuch, i (1880), 61—108.

27 if correctly reported, he did not literally say this, but, "dit qu’il demeura environ un an audit Allemagne, & depuis Ia mort dudit Quintaine demeura tout seul sans Maistre." v. d’Artigny, Mémoires, ii, 102, Quintana did not die until 1534.

28Tollin, whose imagination is ever fertile in making plausible conjectures where positive evidence is lacking, builds upon a single passage of uncertain meaning in a letter from Servetus to Oecolampadius — "aliter enim propriis auribus a t e declarari audivi & aliter a Doctore Paulo & aliter a Luthero, & aliter a Melanchthone"; v. J. G. Fueslin, Epistolae. ab Ecclesiae Helveticae Reformatoribus (Tiguri, 1742), p. 78; also in Mosheim, Versuch, p. 393—the thesis that Servetus accompanied Butzur on a very hurried visit to Luther at Coburg, and even fixes the date as Sept. 19 and 20, 1530. He also makes him Butzer’s amanuensis for a short time between his leaving Augsburg and his appearance at Basel. Though the thesis is cleverly argued, it can not be called more than pure conjecture. Cf. Tollin, Dr. Mf. Luther und Dr. M. Servet (Berlin, 1875); id, Servet und Butzer. For trenchant criticism, see reviews by Kawerau, ‘Luther und seine Beziehungen zu Servet Studien und Kritiken, li (1878), 479—498; and Knaake, id. op., liv (1882), 317—350 also van der Linde, Servet, p. 240 ft. Marheinecke’s statement (Christliche Symbolik, 1848) that Luther once took Servetus in as a fugitive is a mistake due to taking servatus for Servetus in a letter of Luther to Johann Brismann. cf. Tollin, ‘Luther und Marheinecke,’ Zeitschift für wisssenschaftliche Theologie, xxiii. (1880), 464—475. Luther mentions Servetus only twice by name and thrice by allusion (letter to the preachers of Erfurt, July 1, 1532; letter to Caspar Gürtel, Jan. 1539; Ind Tischreden, i. 297, 303; iv. 679, ed. Förstemann und Bindseil).

29 v. Oecolampadius’s letter to Servetus (undated, but evidently of October, 1530), from which Servetus’s letter to him, not extant, can be more or less reconstructed. cf. Oecolampadius & Zwingli, Epistolae (Basileae, 1536) (=Epistolae doctorun, virorum, etc., ibid 1548); also in Calvin, viii, 857—862; Allwoerden, Servetus, pp. 12-17; Mosheim, Versuch pp. 389—392.

30 ‘Jam dogmata novan praescribo; facilis tamen sum ad recipieda ea, quae fidei non Contradicunt; officiique nostri censeo eis, quae, sanae doctrinae repugnant, contradicere. Quare audirem eum, qui negat filium coaetaneum vel consubstantialem Patri, nosque interim ut blasphemos reiicientem?’ Oecolampadius & Zwingli, Epistolae (Basileae, 1592), p. 865 f. The letter is dated Oct. 25, 1530. cf. Mosheim, Nachrichten, p. 16 f.

31 (H. Bullinger), Ministroresm Tigurinae Ecclesiae ... Apologia (Tiguri, 1575), pp. c3a—c4a. Quoted in Allwoerden, Servetus, p. 10 f; Mosheim, Versuch, p. 17 and in Latin translation in Calvin, viii, 744, n. i.

32 Girolamo Aleandro (Aleander), papal representative with Charles V., speaking of Servetus’s hook on the Trinity, in a letter written from Ratisbon Apr. 17, 1532, says ‘Erasmo scrisse altre volte in una epistola, che questo Spagnolo ando per communicarli quest’ opera, ma che non gil volle prestar orechie.’ cf Hugo Laemmer, Monumenta Vaticana (Friburgi, 1861), p. 109.

33 Calvin, viii, 767. The name is variously given as Rous, Roux, Russ, Rouss, Rousch, Resch, Reich, and Rosch; and Trechsel even says he was called König (Antitrinitarier, I, 304). cf. E. Doumergue, Jean Calvin (Neuilly, 1926), vi, 200.

34 Calvin, ibid.

35 cf. K. Stieff, ‘Johannes Setzer.’ Centralblatt für BibIiothekswesen, ix, 297—3I7, (Leipzig, 1892); also his article in Allg. D. Biog., xxxiv, 49 f.

36 ‘Secerius gloriatus est, vel hoc nomine eximium librum quia nobis concionatoribus displiciturus sit; quasi seilicet Luthero probetur, qui Marpurgi obiiciebat de nobis tale quid sparsum ease.’ cf. Oecolampadius & Zwingli, Epistolae (1536), p. 187; also Oecolampadius to Butzer, July 16, 1531, Calvin, viii, 866.

37 cf. chapters iii, iv, supra.

38 cf. Tollin, ‘Strassburger kirchliche Zustände zu Anfang der reformationszeit’, Magazin für die Literatur dest Auslandes, xliv (1875), 333—336.

39Butzer to Ambrose Blaurer, Dec. 29, 1531; Calvin, viii, 779, n. 2.

40 cf. Röhrich, Reformation, 1, 346, citing Hedio’s Itinerarium; and 456, quoting Gerbel’s letter to Luther (1527): "Jam enim alas sumsere isti (Sacramentarii) et in secretissima Trinitatis archana penetrarunt: nescio quid de Personis excogitaturi, turbaturi sapientia sua miseram et novarum rerum cupidam plebem." Also in Trechsel, Antitrinitarier, i, 25, n. 2.

41 cf. Calvin, viii, 767.

42 ibid., p. 768.

43 "Michael dilecte.’’ Butzer to Servetus, July 8; Calvin, viii, 869; also in Röhrich, Reformation, ii, 272 1. cf. Gerbert, Sectenbewegung, pp. 114—132.

44 cf. Calvin, viii, 768, 770.

45 "Decuerat me ante editionem libri consulere," Butzcr to Servetus, Calvin, viii, 868. "Nobis insciis liber alibi excusus," Oecolampadius to Butzer, Aug. 5, 1535; ibid., p. 867 f.

46 Sebastian Franck refers to it in his letter of Feb. 4, 1531 to Campanus, above cited, p. 38. Query, whether this date is not too early by several months.

47 A counterfeit edition, often mistaken for the original, though easily distinguished from it, was issued about 1721 at Regensburg. For the origin of it, cf, J. H. Seelen, Selecta Literaria (Lübeck, 1726), pp. 52—54. A Dutch translation by Reinier Telle, Van den Dolinghen in de Drievvldigbeyd, appeared in 1620, the printer of which is said to have been put to death (ef. Paul Henry, Life of Calvin, London, 1849, i, 38 n.). cf. Mosheim, Versush, pp. 310-315, who also mentions an unpublished French translation. English translation, with introduction, life, bibliography and notes, by E. M. Wilbur, (Cambridge, 1932.) The original is extremely rare, and in 1935 was priced (together with the Dialogues) at 1200 francs.

48 cf. van der Linde, Servet, p. 237.

49 Oecolampadias to Butzer, July 18, 1831, Calvin, viii, 866, 769; Oecolampadius to Zwingli, July 20, 1531, Zwing!i, Opera, viii, 625.

50 In his apology for the Confessio Tetrapolitana written at just this time (summer, 1531), Butzer, while accepting the doctrine of the Trinity, took pains to avoid saying anything of it that might occasion controversy; and Ambrose Blaurer praised his prudence in this. cf. Butzer to Blaurer, Dec. 19, 1531; Blaurer to Butzer, Jan. 5 and 24, 1532 Röhrich, Reformation, ii, 83; Gerbert, Sektenbewegung, p. 116.

51 Oecolampadius to Butzer, July 18, 1531, Calvin, viii, 866. cf. also Oecolampadius & Zwingli, Epistolae (1536), p. 187

52 ibid.

53 ‘Circumfertur libellus Michaelis Serveti de Trinitatis errorsbus terque quaterque blasphemus et impius, juxta meam quidem, h. e. ecclesiasticam, sententiam, tametsi ab Argentoratensibus quibusdam laudetur. Fortassis et isthuc pervenit. Quod si en cares, fac ut sciam, et curabo communicari.’ July 20, 1531. cf. Zwingli, Opera, viii, 625.

54 Butzer to Servetus, summer of 1531, Calvin, viii, 868. Röhrich, Reformation, ii, 272.

55 Butzer to Servetus, July 8, 1531, Calvin, viii, 869.

56 For the censors’ adverse report, cf. Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie, xxx (1860), 52.

57 Oecolampadius felt too busy with his commentary on Job to prepare a confutation, much as he was inclined to do so, and urged Butzer to undertake it (cf. Calvin, viii, 866 f). Butzcr’s confutation was not published, but circulated in Ms among the reformers in the Oberland. Tollin found good reasons for believing it to be extant in a Ms bound in with a copy of De Trinitatis erroribus (No. D2 2437) in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris. cf. Tollin, ‘Butzers Confutatio der Libri VII. de trinitatis erroribus’, Theologische Studien und Kritiken, xlviii (1875), 711—736.

58 Butzer to A. Blaurer, Dec. 29 1531, Calvin, viii, 779, n. 2. Cf. Tollin, Servet und Butzer, p. 207.

59 Schwenckfeld admitted having had many conversations with Servetus, and having found something good in his books, though he thought him sorely astray as to the chief articles of the Christian faith, and judged his book on the Trinity to be bös und verdamblich. cf. Karl Ecke, Schwenekfeld, Luther, und der Gedanke einer apostolischen Reformation (Berlin, 1911), p. 210, n.

60 cf. Butzer’s letter to Blaurer cited above.

61 Oct. 3, 1531; cited by Gerbert, Sektenbewegung, p. 120.

62Oct. 4, 1531, ibid.

63 A, Blaurer to Butzer, Dec. 28, 1531, Calvin, viii, 870. cf Gerbert, op. cit., p. 119.

64 Grynaeus to Butzer, Dec. 30, 1531, Calvin, viii, 779, n., 871 f. Oecolampadius had died Nov. 22.

65 ‘Plurimi apud nos sunt qui eundem Hispanum commendant, ad sidera tollunt, ut qui in materia Trinitatis ipsum scopum et veritatem attigerit et scripserit.’ July 5, 1532. Cf. Röhrich, Reformation, ii, 8a f; Gerbert, op. cit., p. 120 f.

66 This on the authority of Calvin, who many years afterwards (Sept. 9, 1553) wrote to Simon Sulzer, chief minister at Basel; "Servetui . . . is est de quo fidelia Christi minister et sanctae memoriae D. Bucerus, quurn alioqui mansueto esset ingenio, pro suggestu pronunciavit dignum esse, qui avulsis visceribus discerperetur"; Caivin, xiv, 614, Röhrich and Tollin doubt this, as being inconsistent with Butzer’s kindly attitude to Servetus at the time; but under exasperation one sometimes acts inconsistently with his normal habit.

67 Oecolampadius to Butzer, July 18, 1531, Calvin, viii, 866. Servetus’s books were also suppressed at Ulm; Nov. 14, 1538; Ulmer Religionsprotokollen, 1537—1545, A 245, fol. 51b, 52a.

68 cf his report to the Council, Calvin, viii, 863—865. Contemporary Latin translation from the original German, Oecolampadius & Zwingli, Epistolae (1536), p. 18a; (1592), p. 831 also in Mosheim, Versuch, pp. 394—396.

69 Oecolampadius to Butzer, Aug. 5, 1551, Calvin, viii, 867.

70 As he bad done, De Trinitatis erroribus, p. 82b.

71 Servetus to Oecolampadius, Calvin, viii, 861 f.; Fueslin, Epistolae, p. 77 f.

72 ‘Die Bucher wär gut das sy eintweder gantz undertruckt wurden, oder gelesen von denen die sich der nit miszbruchten. Wo der so jrsälig gscbribben mit gschrifften sin jrsal bckante und widerfechte, wär jm als einem menschen, sin fall nit so hoch zuschetzen’, Calvin, viii, 865. cf. Latin version in Mosheim, Versuch, p. 394.

73 It was perhaps the last work to issue from Setzer’s press for he died suddenly at the beginning of February. Bullinger regarded his death as a divine retribution upon the wicked and blasphemous printer. cf. his anonymous Ministrorum Tigurinae ecclesiae. . . apologia, p. c4a; Stieff, Setzer, p. 313.

74 Dialogorum de Trinitate libri duo. Be justicia regni Christi, capitula quatuor.

75 cf. Tollin, ‘Michael Servets Dialoge von der Dreieinigkeit,’ Theologische Studien und Kritiken, i(1877), 301-318.

76 March 16, 1532 "Michael Hispanum ferunt Apologiam priori libello dedisse plenam monstrorum ac errorum, quibus ubi tu, qui triados mysteria ex fomite hausisti, non occurres, non solum incommodabis Ecclesiam, sed te quoque suspectum reddes qui vel consentias vel conniveas." Quoted by Röhrich, Reformation, ii, 82, n.

77 Melanchthon to Camerarius, Feb. 9, 1533, Opera, ii, 630.

78 "Servetum multum lego." Melanchthon to Camerarius, March 15, 1533, Opera, ii, 640.

79 Melanchthon to Brentius, July, 1533, Opera, ii, 660 f.

80 Melanchthon, Loci, pp. 102—105.

81 cf. Tollin, Ph. Melanchthon und M. Servet, (Berlin, 1876), especially chaps. iv.—vi. for detailed evidence.

82 Est et hoc sciendum de fide ac notitia voluntatis Dei, quod non satis est opinionem aliquam in animo circumferre, sed contra habere certam et firmam sententiam de articulis fidei ex scripturis. Nam dubitatio parit impietatem ac desperationem. Opera, xxi, 255.

83 In the next chapter it will be seen more at length how widely such views spread in northern Italy.

84 Melanchthon, Opera, iii, 745-750. Melanchthon subsequently denied being author of the letter, though approving of its message. v. infra, p. 79.

85 v. supra, p. 56, n. 28, fin. Cf. Luther, Opera, ed. Walch, xxii, 377, 2367.

86 ci. letter of Paolo Gaddi of Cremona to Calvin, July 23, 1553. ‘Multas inter eundum Italiae civitates invisi . . . multa ibi haeresum genera vigere sensi . . . sed quae inter omnes maxime viget, est superbissimi diabolicique Serveti opinio, quam ut scriptis impugnes multi te obsecrant fideles," Calvin, xiv, 577. "Multos esse in Italia tabe ista infectos . . . In Italis forte propter rarum acumen magis eminet . . . Hoc quum fidi et idonei testes quibusdam suis popularibus contigisse retulerint . . . quosdam scio cx diametro inter Se dissidere, qui se tamen Serveti discipulos esse profitentur,’ id. op. viii, 459. Guillaume Postell also Wrote in 1555 that Servetus had many followers in Italy. cf. Mosheim, Versuch, p. 474.

87 cf. Gratarolo to Bullinger, Dec. 59, 1553, Jan. 5 1554, Calvin, xiv, 707; xv, 3.

88 cf. Johannes Cochlaeus, Historia . . . de actis et scriptis Martini Lutheri (Coloniae, 1768), pp. 232-234; Laurentius, Surius, Commentarius brevi,, etc. (Coloniae, 1602), p. 223; Tollin, Verfasser, pp. 459-429.

89 Letter of Aleander to Sanga, Ratisbon, April 17, 1532, in Laemmer, Monumenta, p. 109. ‘Al presente lui ha mandato il libro al Vescovo di Augusta.’ It is not clear from this whether the book was sent by Quintana or by Servetus, though the former would seem the more likely. Nor is it certain that Augusta is not meant as an abbreviated form of Caesaraugusta (Saragossa), though Servetus was not of that diocese.

90 cf. Laemmer, loc. cit.

91 cf. Bulletin tie Ia Société de l’histoire du Protestantisme Français, liii (Mar.—Apr. 1904), 103.

92 For the documented story of this interesting episode, but recently brought to light, cf. Marcel Bataillon, ‘Honneur et Inquisition: Michel Servet poursuivi par l’lnquistion espagnole’ Bulletin Hispanique, t. xxviii. (Bordeaux, Jan—Mar., 1925).

93 cf. Trechsel, Antitrinitarier, i, 55—59; id., ‘War Servet bei Luther in Wittenberg?’ Theologische Studien und Kritiken, liv (1881), 669—684; J. G. Schelhorn, Dissertatio epistolaris de Mino, Celso, etc. (Ulmae, 1748), pp. 73—77; Dunin Borkowski, Quellenstudien, i, 116 f.

94 cf. Haller to Bullinger, May 7, 1534, (A. L. Herminjard, Correspondance des Réformateurs, Genève, 1870, iii, 172-174), also in Fueslin, Epistolae, p. 139, f.

95 cf. Johann Zwick to Vadian, Aug. 23, 1534 (Herminjard, op. cit., iii, 173); J. H. Hottinger, Bibliotheca Tigurina (Zurich, 1664), p. 77; Frecht to Blaurer, Aug. 28, 1534 (Museum Helveticum, pars xxviii, 672, 676).

96 Utriusque in Christo naturae, Zürich, Oct. 1534.

97 cf. Melinchthon to Veit Dietrich, Aug. 5, 1537, Melanchthon, Opera, iii, 400. J. K. F. Knaake in Theologische Studien und Kritiken, liv (1881), 320.

98Melanchthon to Dietrich, ut supra.

99 cf. Herminjard, op. cit., iv, 196 f, 200, 235.

100 Causa haec tua est. . . quae mihi adolescentulo annos vix nato viginti, impulso quodam divino tractandum sese obtulit . . . Testem te iterum invoco Deum ob eam rem me distulisse, et ob imminentem persecutionem, ut cum Jona in mare fugere potius cuperem, aut in insulam aliquam novam. The passage (lacking in the printed text) is on p. 3 of a Ms copy of what is apparently a first draft of the prooemium of his Christianismi Restitutio, which is bound in with the copy at Edinburgh. cf. Alexander Gordon, "Servetus and America," Christian Life, Ii. 360, Oct. 24, 1925; David Cuthbertson, A Tragedy of the Reformation (Edinburgh, 1912).

101 cf. Calvin, viii, 767.

102 Materna lingua tanquam faciliore plurima urbium vocabula explicuimus: ut Germanis Germanice, etc., quorum omnium linguas utcunque novimus. Preface to Ptolemy, 1535

103 At Geneva he testified, ‘De Agnouw el sen retournit a Basle, de Basle a Lyon," Calvin, viii, 767.

104 cf. Frecht to Capito, Oct. 31, 1538. Non ignoras ut sanctae memoriae Oecolampadius illum Michaelem Serveto confutarit. De quo olim accepi illum impietatis suae poenas meritas dedisse. Nunc furiosum in catenis misere obiisse istuc an sit certum cuperem ex tua humanitate cognoscere." Calvin, xxi, 238; cf. X, ii, 289. Tollin in Jahrbücher für protestantische Theologie, xvii (1891), 428, n; iii (1877), 642, n.

 

Chapter 6 Notes

1cf. Jacob Burckhardt, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy (London, 1929), pp. 479-481.

2cf. E. Rodocanachi, La Rêforme en Italie (Paris1920), i. 26, citing Caraccioli, Vita Pauli IV.

3 Its territory at this time extended from the head of the Adriatic nearly to Milan, and included half a score of important cities in which the Reformation had groups of aöherents.

4cf. Cesare Cantú, Gli Eritici d’Italia (Torino, 1867—‘68), iii, 129

5cf. Karl Benrath, Geshichte der Reformation in Venedig (Halle, 1886), p. 74

6id, op., p 19.

7cf. Bernardo Morsolin, ‘L’accademia de’ Sociniani in Vicenza,’ Atti del Reale Istituto Veneto de Science, Lettere ed Arte (Venezia, Nov. 1878 - Oct. 1879), tomo v., serie., pp. 473—475.

8cf. Karl Benrath, ‘Wiedertäufer im Venetianischen um die Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts’ Theologische Studien Krititen, 1viii (1885), 9-67.

9Not 1538, as Bock has it, Antitrinitar., ii. 398. cf. IIlgen, ut infra, p. 21, n. 18.

10v. supra, p. 70. cf. Melanchthon, Opera, iii, 745. Melanchthon two years later denied to Contarini, the Venetian ambassador to the German Emperor, that he was the author of this letter, but said that others had composed it over his name. cf. Giuseppe de Leva, Storia documetata di Carlo V (Venezia, 1860-’94) iii, 327, n. 2. It bears contemporary witness, however, to the essential fact. cf. K. Benrath, ‘Notiz über Melanchthon’s angeblichen Brief an den venetianischen Senat,’ Zeitschift für Kirchengesehiche, i (1877), 469; id., Wiederthäufer, pp. 9-12; C. F. IIlgen, SymboIarum ad vitam et doctrinam Laelii Socini illustrandam, Particula i (Lipsiae, 1826), p. 20 ff.

11 Facile est divinare unde hoc malum et per quos fotum. Hispania gallinas peperit, Italia fovit ova, nos jam pipientes pullos audimus. Zanchi to Bullinger, Aug. 19, 1565, H. Bullinger, Korrespondez mit den Graubündnern (BaseI, 1904-’06), ii, 627. cf. Hottinger, Helvetische Kirchen-Geschichten, iii, 874; Bock, Antitrin., ii, 415.

12 Reprinted in Mosheim, Versuch, pp. 466—499; and in Johann Kvacala, Postelliana (Tartu, 1915); cf. Bock, op. cit.,ii, 542.

13cf. Calvin, viii, 459.

14 cf. P. D. Rosius de Porta, Historia Reformationis Ecclesiarum Raeticarum (Curiae Raetorum, 1772-‘77), I, ii, 159.

15cf. Angelo Cherubini, Bullarium Magnum Ronmanum (Roma, 1638), i, 590, 599; cited by C. F. lllgen, Symbolae, p. 76.

16 Sandius, Nucleus (ed. 2, Coloniae, 1678), pp. 86-90 of Appendix.

17 Andreas Wissowatius, Narratio cornpendiosa quomodo in Polonia, a Trinitariis Reformatis separati sint Christiani Unitarii (in Sandius., Bibliotheca Antitrinitariorum, etc. (Freistadii-Amsterdam, 1684), pp. 207-217).

18 Stanislaus Lubieniecius, Historia Reformationis Polonicae (Freistadii, 1685), pp. 38-40. Budzinski had been secretary to Francesco Lismanino, an early leader of Antitrinitarianism in Poland, and both of them were intimate with Laelius Socinus.

19 The names, garbled in the Latin text, are here restored to their proper Italian form.

20cf. Bock, Antitrinitar., ii, 412.

21 The house, still handsome even in decay, is in the Via Antonio Pigafetta, No. 5, a little to the rear of the splendid Palladian communal palace on the main Piazza. Pigafetta was a companion of Magellan in the circumnavigation of the globe. The house dates from 1481.

22cf. Cantú, Eretici, iii. 156; Morsolin, Accademie, p. 459.

23 G. G. Zeltner, Historia Crypto-Socinismi Altorfini (Lipsiae, 1729), p. 321, n. b, was the first to raise the question. It was followed up successively by Mosheim, lnstitutiones historiae Christianae recentioris (Helmstedii, 1741), pp. 309-311; id, Institutes of Ecclesiastical History (London, 1863), iii, 167 f; Wannfred von Camben, Anmerckungen zu dem siebenten Band der Leipzigischen Universal-Chronick, in J. C. Fueslin, Beyträge zur Erläuterung der Kirchen-Reformations-Geschichen des Schweitzerlands (Zürich, 1747), iii, 326—329; by the anonymous author of Vier, Sendschreinben an . . . Mosheim (n. p., 1751), p. 8; Bock, Antitrinitar., ii, 395—426; C. F. lllgen, Synabolae, part i.; and most fully by Trechsel, Antitrinitarier, ii, 391—408. The result of this thorough criticism is that while sound historical facts have been incorporated in the legend, yet oral and written tradition operating during the four generations between 1546 and our earliest extant source has added to them many details that, if true, belong in another setting.

24 cf. de Porta, Historia, I. i, 197.

25cf. J. H. Hottinger, Historiae ecclesiasticae (Tiguri, 1655—57), ix, 436; C. F. lllgen, Vita Laedii Socini (Lipsiae, 1814), p. 20; de Porta, Historia, I. ii, 86.

26cf. Benrath, Reformation, pp. 9I—99; id., Wiedertäufer, pp. 38-53; Emilo Comba, I nostri Protestanti (Firenze, 1895-’97), ii, chaps. xiv, xv.

27cf. Trechel, Antitrinitarier, ii, 402-408.

28For the relation of the full story, properly documented, seee Morsolin, Academia; Benrath, Wiedertäufer; id., Reformation; Emilio Comba, Un sinodo Anabattista a Venezia anno 1550’ Rivista Cristiana, xiii, 25—24, 83—87 (Jan. and April, 1885); id., Protestanti, ii, chap. xiii. The sources are in the records of heresy trials before the Inquisition, in the Frari Archives, Venice, which were explored by Morsolin and used in his writing already cited; and in the State Archives at Venice, Busts ix, Processi del Sant’ Uffizio, explored by both Benrath and Comba and used in their works as cited above. Unless they are speaking of two different councils, which seems unlikely, there is some confusion between Morsolin and Benrath. Benrath places the council at Venice in September, 1550, adjourned from discussions at Vicenza earlier in the year (Reformation, p. 78); while Morsolin places it in a 1551, adjourned from a meeting earlier in the year at Padua (Accademia, p. 486). In other respects the accounts are in substantial agreement. I follow here the account given by Benrath and Comba (who by an obvious slip gives the date as 1549) as apparently the more correct.

29 v. supra, p. 78.

30cf. Benrath, Reformation, pp. 77, 41; Comba, Protestanti, ii, 567 f.

31cf. Comba, op. cit, ii, 506 f; Benrath, op. cit., pp. 81, 83.

32Perhaps by Tiziano. (See the following chapter.)

33 Gallicius to Bullinger, Feb. 29, 1552, Bullinger, Korrespondenz, i, 244. Ex Italia auditur esse ibi, qui non vereantur dicere Christum ex Josephi semine natum esse, quae vero Matthaeus et Lucas tradant de conceptione Christi de spiritu sancto, aliunde infulta esse evangelio. Ambitiosa ingenia quiescere non possunt, nec eadem via cum aliis ingredi. cf. de Porta, Histioria, I. ii, 167.

34 cf. Comba, Protestanti, ii, 507, n. 2.

35 These depositions and the testimony given in the trials following are the chief source of our knowledge of the Anabaptist movement in northern Italy. Manelfi has perhaps to share his dishonors with another. Morsolin, (Accademia, p. 467) also reports as follows: In 1553 the Abbot Busale di Nola was in the dungeons of the Inquisition at Rome. The Antitrinitarian historians (wrongly calling him not Matteo but Leonardo) accuse him of having first revealed the secret of the Academy of Vicenza.

36 Thus in 1553 Gribaldi reported the trial of Servetus to the brethren at Vicenza. v. infra, p. 215.

37cf. Comba, Protestanti, ii, 497 f.

38cf. Johann Loserth, "Communistmus der , mährischen Wiedertäufer im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert," Archiv für oesterreichische Geschichte, lxxxi (1894), 568.

 

Chapter 7 Notes

1cf. Edward Boebmer, Cenni biographichi su i fratelli Giovanni e Alfonso di Valdesso, appended to G. Valdesso, Le Cento e dieci divine Considerzsioni (Halle, 1860), pp. 477-598, also his Lives of the Twin Brothers Juan and Alfonso de Valdés (London, 1882); and his article on Valdés in the Realencyklopädie, xx, 380-390; B. B. Wiffen, Life and Writings of Juan de Valdés (London, 1865); Wilhelm Schlatter, Die Brüder Alfonso und Juan Valdés (Basel, 1901); Jacob Heep, Juan de Valdés (Leipzig, 1909). Valdés is the form of the name that he himself employed, but it is also given as Valdez, or (Italian) Valdesso.

2So, apparently, Bock, Antitrinitar,, ii, 315 f.

3A double coronation at Bologna is often spoken of; but the coronation with the iron crown of Lombardy was not, as is sometimes said, performed by the Pope, but by Cardinal Cinque Porte. cf. M. Young, Life and Times of Paleario (London, 1860), i, 53

4Marcel Bataillon, Alfonso de Valdés, auteur du "Dialogo de Mercurio y Carðn," in Homenaje a Menéndez Pidal (Madrid, 1924), i, 403-415, holds that this was the work of his brother.

5Naples now belonged to Spain, but was governed by a separate Viceroy under the Emperor.

6First published 1546. Reprinted, with Spanish and English translations and introduction by Wiffen, London, 1861. (Reformistas Antiguos Españoles, tomo xv.)

7Brought to Basel by Vergerio in the Italian translation by Marcantonio Flaminio, it was there published in 1550 with a commendatory preface by Celio Secundo Curioni. An Eaglish translation by Nicholas Ferrar, with prefatory epistle by George Herbert, appeared at Oxford in 1638. Translations by John T. Betts of minor devotional works, and of Commentaries on the Psalms, Matthew, Romans, and Corinthians, were published in London, 1882-’94.

8Lettere (1870), p. 33; cited by Boehmer, Lives, p. vii.

9By Carraciolo, Vita Pauli IV., p. 239, quoted by Boehmer, op. cit., p. vii.

10Published Rome, 1543. Long attributed to Paleario, but, according to the testimony of Carnesecchi, written by the Benedictine Don Benedetto of Mantua and revised by Marcantonio Flaminio. Reprinted from the unique copy at Cambridge, with English translation, London, 1855. cf. Karl Benrath, ‘Chi fu l’autore del Benefizio di Cristo?’ (Rivista Cristiana, iv, 3-10, 1876.)

    11cf. Wiffen, in Valdés’s Alfabeto Cristiano (London, 1861), p. lxxvii.

12cf. Sandius, Bibliotheca, p. 2, citing as his authority Blandrata’s De falsa et vera unius Dei . . cognitione (1567), p. E ii.a, which quotes an alleged writing of Valdés expressing a definitely Unitarian view. The passage does not occur in any work of Valdés flow extant.

13cf. Divine Considerations, cix, xcv.

14cf. Richard Gibbings, ed., Report of the trial and martyrdom of Pietro Carnesecchi, etc. (Dublin and London, 1856.)

15cf. Divine Considerations, lxxvi.

16The Catholic Menéndez y Pelayo, Heterodoxos (ed. a, Madrid, 1928), iv, 239-241, judges that in his christology Valdés was an Arian.

17cf. Domenico Berti, ‘Di Giovanni Valdés e taluni di suoi discipoli secondo nuovi documenti tolti dall’ Archivio Veneto, Atti della Reale Accademia dei Lincei anno cclxxv, 1877-’78, serie terza, Memorie della classe di Scienze morale, storiche, e filosofiche (Roma, 1878), ii, 61—85.

18cf., inter alia, Bock, Antitrinitar., ii, 483-532; Trechsel, Antitrinitarier,, ii, 202-276; Karl Benrath, Bernardino Ochino of Siena (London and New York, 1876), excellently reviewed by Alexander Gordon in Theological Review (London), xiii. 532-561, Oct. 1876, and by C. A Hase in Jahrbücher für protestantische Theologie, i (1875), 496-535; Paolo Negri, Bernardino Ochino (Torino, 1912); Daniel Bertrand-Barraud, Les idées Philosophiques de Bernardin Ochin de Sienne (Paris, 1924); Roland H. Bainton, Bernardino Ochino (Firenze, 1940). Portraits in Benrath and in Étienne Desrochers, Recueil de Portraits (Paris, 1735).

19Benrath, op. cit, p. 17 f.

20This and the following quotations are from Bembo’s Lettere (Venezia, 1560), vol. iv.

21Predicava con ispirito grande che faceva piangere i sassi. The saying is often attributed to the Emperor himself, but is really the expression of the narrator. cf. Pietro Giannone, Istoria civile del regno di Napoli (La Haye, 1753), iv, 81 f.

22cf. Zaccaria Boverio, Annales ordinis Minorum S. Francisci qui Cappuccini nuncupantur (Lugduni, 1632-’76), vol. i.

23 After some years Giulio escaped from his dungeon, fled from the country, and was for more than thirty years minister of a Protestant congregation at Poschiavo in the Grisons, where he was known as Giulio da Milano.

24cf. Ochino, Prediche, i. 10; Boverio, op. cit., an. 1542.

25cf. Edmondo Solmi, ‘La fuga di Bernardino Ochino’ (Bullettino di storia patria, (Siena, 1898), xv, 23-98.

26Florimond de Raemond, Histoire de …l’héresie (Rouen, 1647), p. 293.

27The above letters are quoted at length in Benrath, Ochino, chap. v.

 

Chapter 8 Notes

1cf. de Porta, Historia; Ulrich Campell, Historia Raetica (BaseI, 1887-‘90); Trechsel, Antitrinitarier, ii; Thomas M’Crie, Reformation in Italy (Edinburgh, 1856).

2Singulis utriusque sexus, et cujuscunque conditionis, et ordinis hominibus, intra foederatorum Rhaetorum fines incolentibus, liberum stet ex his duabus Romana et Evangelica religionibus utram quis velit, aut spiritus boni instinctu admoneretur, eligere, amplecti, et profiteri religionem; adnexo severo interdicto, ne quis alterutrius dictarum religionum quenquam adversae partis, religionis nomine, neque publice, neque privatim odiosius insectetur, vel ullo contumeliae aut probri negere . . . afficiat. . . Quod vero ad Anabaptisticam, aut alias cujuscunque generis, vel nominis sectas, sunt, iliae simul, semelgue pro semper, eodem decreto interdictae, exilio iis sine discrimine indicto, qui lege insuper habita, post idoneam erroris confutationem et fidelem et sedulam adhibitam informationem, errorem praefracte retinere, vel malitiose etiam aliis affricare praesumpserint. De Porta, op. cit., I, i, 146. Also in Trechsel, op. cit., ii, 70, n. Campell, op. cit, ii, 161, gives a slightly different wording.

3 cf. M’Crie, p. 188; de Porta, I, ii, 36.

4 cf. Campell, ii, 297-307; de Porta, I, ii, 67-75; M’Crie pp. 215-218.

5 cf. Bonet-Mauzy, Sources, p. 188.

6 Campell, ii, 296 f. Campell reduces most of these views, together with others of Anabaptist origin, to six general heads, which he gives as the teaching of Francesco, p.298 ff.

7 An extended report is given by Campell, ii, 299—307; cf. de Porta, I, ii, 70—75.

8 One ii tempted to identify him with the Lorenzo Tiziano (or Tizzano — the name is given in several different forms) of Naples, a brother of the order of Monte Oliveto, who embraced Lutheran opinions left the order, studied medicine at Padua toward 1550 changed his name to Benedetto Florio for fear of being discovered, and finally confessed to the Inquisitor and figured in a trial before the Inquisition at Venice (cf. the work of Domenico Berti cited above); but the identification is difficult. Perhaps he was a brother of Lorenzo. cf. de Porta, I, ii, 76—81; Comba, Protestanti, ii, 477—517; Trechsel, ii, 82—84.

9 v. supra, p. 86.

10 Mainardo to Bullinger, Aug. 7,1549, Bullingers Korrespondez, i, 548.

11cf. de Porta, I, ii, 89.

12cf.. de Porta, I, ii, 76 with Bullingers Korrespondez, i, 148. Not 1554, as has sometimes been said through misunderstanding of the letter of Gallicius to Bullinger in that year. Cf. Bullingers Korrespondez, i, 374—376; de Porta, I, ii, 76—81, 134; Bullinger to Calvin, June 12, 1554, Calvin, xv, 158.

13 So apparently Manelfi; cf. Combs, Protestanti, ii, 492.

14 cf. de Porta, I, ii, 78 f, Bullingers Korrespondez, i, 375 f.

15 cf. de Porta, I, ii, chap iv, pp. 81—138; Trechsel, ii, 85—107.

16 Non multo sane ante verum Deum ipsumque eius filium Jesum Christum agnovi et credidi, quam et in suspiciones Satanae, minas, insidias, carceres, dedecora, cruciatus atque id genus maximas calamitates incidi: nihil me certius aliquando manebat Antichristi jussu quam aut perpetuo in carcere agentem extrema solitudine et media absumi aut, . . . ad immaturam secreto mortem rapi. Sed tamen . . . Deus et Domini nostri Jesu Christi, et certe nostrum omnium pater, consuluit atque periculis liberavit. Camillus to Bullinger, Nov. 9, 1542, Bullingers Korrespondez, i, 50. Trechsel, ii, 76, n. I; de Porta, I, ii, 26 f.

17Camillus to Bullinger, May 10, 1545, Bullingers Korrespondez, i, 75.

18Arbitror enim te non ignorare callidi et tortuosi Camilli ingenium et mores. . . Vix

enim credi potest, quam flexibilis sit haeretici vafrificies et quam obliquo et volubili flexu

iste anguis effugiat, nisi fortiter prematur. Giulio Milano to Bullinger, Nov. 4, 1555,

Bullingers Korrespondez, i, 421.

19 cf. de Porta, I, ii, 81.

20Francesco Stancaro was born at Mantua about 1501 and became one of the most famous Hebrew scholars of his time. He was author of one of the first Hebrew grammars to be published after the Reformation. After teaching this language at Friuli he embraced the Reformation and left Italy in 1542, coming first to the Valtellina, where he taught for a time. After vainly trying to find a post in Switzerland he came to Chiavenna, where he sided with Camillo, Negri, and Laelius Socinus in the quarrel in the church; but after a few months he departed in 1548 for Zürich and Basel, and finally went to Poland and Transylvania where (as will be later seen) his persistent advocacy of a peculiar view of the atonement caused the churches much trouble. cf. de Porta, op. cit., I, ii, 90; Realencyk., xviii, 752; Pierre Bayle, Dictionary, s. C. Stancaro.

21A repentant Italian Anabaptist at Chiavenna ‘addit totum Italiae Anabaptismum pendere ab illo utre venenato.’ Vergerio to Bullinger, Jan. 10, 1553, Bullingers Korrespondez, i, 280; de Porta, I, ii, 86, 97.

22The confession has perished, but the tenth article was preserved in Italian translation in a little book by Pietro Leone published ten years later, itself also now lost, and from that retranslated into Latin for Bullinger by Gallicius. cf. de Porta, op. cit., I, ii, 83—86. From this we learn what (besides the views above mentioned) were the peculiar teachings of Camillo. In condensed form the most striking are these: That the soul of man is by nature mortal, and dies with the body, to be raised at the last day in another form, though the souls of the wicked will perish; that man has no natural knowledge of good and evil, but that good men have no need of any other law than the Spirit; that the unregenerate are irrational like brutes. cf. Mainardo to Bullinger, Dec. 10, 1548, Bullingers Korrespondez, i, 139 f. Comparison of these items with the shortly subsequent heads of doctrine adopted by the Venice council in 1550, especially numbers 7 and 8, is very suggestive of tile influence of Camillo in the latter, perhaps mediated by Tiziano and Negri.

23 cf. Giulio da Milano to Bullinger, Nov. 4, 1555, Bullingers Korrespondez, i, 421; de Porta, I, ii, 87. According to Dunin Borkowski, (Untersuchungen, p. 113 f) Gregory Paulus, one of the early Antitrinitarians in Poland, in his De Vera Morte, took his view of the mortality of the soul from Camillo; and Francis David in Transylvania was essentially Influenced by his views in his 16 theses—in both cases doubtless through the mediation of Biandrata. cf. F. A. Lampe, Historia Ecclesiae Reformatae in Hungaria et Transylvania (Trajecti ad Rhenum, 1725), p. 306; Defensio Francisci Davidis, ad finem (p. B4b, ff.); Konrad Górski, Grzegorz Pawel z Brzezin (Krzkdów, 1929), p. 236.

24 cf. de Porta, I, ii, 101—103; Campell, ii, 333 f.

25 Text of the confession in Trechsel, Antitrinitarier, ii, 409—414.

26cf. Trechsel, ii 414 f.

27 Text in Trechsel, i, 321—328; Calvin, xv, 239—245.

28 Bullingers Korrespondez, i, p. lxx.

29 cf. Canù, Eretici, iii. 153—156; Comba, Protestanti, ii 297—322; G. B. Roberti, Notizie storjco-critiche della vita e delle opere di Francesco Negri, etc. (Bassano, 1839).

30 Brevissima somma della dottrina, Cristiana recitata da un fanciullo in domanda e risposta.

31 La liberta, o sia del Libro Arbitrio, (Pouchiavo, 1546, 1550); Latin edition, (Zürich, 1559), dedicated to Prince Nicholas Radziwill, Palatine of Wilno, a patron of early antitrinitarianism in Poland.

32 Francesco Negro, viro bono, sed facili. Mainardo to Bullinger, Dec. 10, 1548, Bullingers Korrespondenz, 1, 139.

33 A dozen years earlier Giorgio had gone to Hungary and Poland with his father’s close friend Stancaro, who had undertaken to see him educated. He was kindly received by the Pinczovian group in 1557, and was appointed domestic chaplain of the Italian Prosper Provanna the following year. He later learned Polish in order to minister to native churches. He gravitated to the liberal wing of the Reformed Church, and was chosen secretary of the famous colloquy at Piotrków in 1565 but was objected to as a foreigner under the ban of the edict of Parczów. His name often occurs in the minutes of the early synods of the Reformed Church, and he became minister of the Italian congregation at Pinoczów following his father. cf. Hermann Dalton, Lasciana (Berlin, 1899), p. 451 et passim; Reformacja w Polsce, i, 222; v, 61; Theodor Wotschke, Briefwechsel der Schweitzer met den Polen (Leipzig, 1908), p 320; id., ‘Christoph Thretius’ (Altpreussische Monatrsschrift, xliv (1907), 69, a.)

34 Bullingers Korrespondenz, i. p. lxii f; Wotsehke, Briefwechsel, p. 177

35 cf. de Porta, I, ii, 193—224. Gallicius wrote to Bullinger from Chur, Sept. 12, 1553. De Serveti blasphemus audieram ante; utinam non essent in Valle Tellina Bullingers Korrespondenz, i, 325.

36 cf de Porta, I, ii, 63.

37 id. op., I, ii, 225 f.

38 cf de Porta, 1, ii ,391.

39 cf. de Porta, I, ii, ~s, whose ‘ater statement (p. 6~) that Alci~ti and Biandrata were going about conRrming the brethren, and were orderS by decree of the Diet Jan. 11, 1579, to leave the country, on pain of arrest and prosecutioni must be incorrect as to its date. This is perhaps an error for 1559, with reference to a tour that may have been made the previous summer, after thei leaving ZÜLiCIs (see below, chap. xv.) l’here ii no evidence that either of them ever returned to Switzerland after going to Poland. ci. Heberle in Tahiegrr Zeitrch,’ift, 1840, Heft 4, p. 527, 0. 3. cf ira/na, p. 225, fl. 63.

40 cf. supra. p. los, fl 23.

41Texr and reply in Trechsel, Aratit,)raitarier, ii, 457—428.

42 An pro Haeretico sit habendus quispiam ob simplicem errorem in articula de Trinitate, qurnn alioquin esset probatissimis moribus ac maxima erga paupercs praeditus charitate? Dc Porta, I, u, 396.

43 ci. 1-fottinger, Ki~ehera-G~~~h., iii, 85r.

44 cf, de Porta, I, ii, ~ f.

45 id. op., I, ii, 5o5.

46 cf Trechsel, ii, 535.

47 Bartolomeo Sylvio, preacher at Traona, wrote thus, and was answered by Josias Simler, Professor at ZUrich, in his Dc una persona Ct duabus na/uris in Chris/a (1578), with the Arians in the Grisons in mind (ci. his second preface). Miaao Celso of Siena, lately escaped from the Inquisition, was greatly disturbed to find the same persecuting spirit developing in a Protestant land, and was thus moved to write his work on the capital punishment of heretics, of which we shall hear in connectIon with Servetus. Marcello Squarcialupo, a physician, also wrote on the subject; and was later one of the early Antitrinitarians in Transylvania and Poland. ci. de Porta, I, ii, 502-508.

48 cf. de Porta, I, sa, 507.

49 Mirnstes in de Porta, I, u, 517—557-

50 cf. Perdinand Buiuon, S6batlieis C~sftllioss s~ vie it oeuwe (Paris, ~ ii, 305308.

51 cf. de Porta, I, ii, 633.

52 Emiio Comba, ES Bcstsch im eoangckschcn i:alienischen Grauhünden (Hamburg, 5897), p. 583; Schaff, History, vii, 144.

 

At Vien~e h~ deci~r~d, ‘de l~ (Allemagne) i~i vint ~ Parii’~ at G~n~vn b~ ,aid, cit Agnouw ii sen retournit h Basic, de Basic a Lyon, là on ii demorit envyron , 00 3 ans

et de Lyon Sen all it a Pa~js." tf. d’Artigny, Mén~s,i,~, ii, xo~ f; Calvin, VOi, 767.

Moshesm (Versuck, p. ~ conjectures that soon after going to France Servetos most have visited Italy; but such a Visit rests upon a mistaken assumption, as does also his u1fere~ce of a visit to Rome.

~ ef. J. C Z~~er, ~ in typog~~phiis udit~,i~ nt~i~, (Norimbergac.

i756).

• cf d’Artigny, 15, 503.

~ In th~ Des~ipt~o G&liae.

6d Bcza, Vita CaIr’ini, irs Calvin, xxs, 123 £; Colladon, Vie de Calnrn, id. op., xxi,

57; Calvin, Rejutalio e,,orttm S~r~eti, id. op., viii, 460, 485. The Histoir~ Ecclés~a~tiq,te des Eglires Ref o,nsées (Paris, 5883), I, ~, wrongly places the meetmg so 5533, when Calvin was not yet in danger; while Calvin (viii, 460) dates It ante annos sexdecim, i. C. 1538, when he was already at Geneva.

Mosheim, Versuch, 5~p. 122—126, tries to prove that Servetus was only once at Lyon as corrector, but the development is clearer if two different periods are supposed. He also thinks (Nac/,richlen, p. 32) that in 5534 Servetus was for some time at Orleans, where the Rhenish physician, Johannes Wcyer (cf his Opera, Amsterdam, s66o, p. 422) mentions having formed a friendship in that year with a well-known physiCian named Mich~.d Villanovanus. But Villanovanus was a fairly common name and Scrvetus had not yet come to fame under this name, so that the identification is extremely doubtful. cf. Henry, CaIt’ia, ii, 573.

8cf. Julien Baudrier, Michd Seniet set relations avec irs libraires ci its zmpnnieurs lyonnass in Mélanges oflerts a M Ensslr Ptcot (Paris, 5953), I. 41—56

~ Clae,sdii P:olonsaej Alerandrini Geog,-aphieae Ena,,ationis Lsbri Oeto, er BilibaM Pirckkemeri tralatione . . . a Michacle Villanovano jam pñmum recogniti, etc. (Lugduni,

5535).

ZO Repainted in Mothdni, Vnnwh. pp. 396—398.

"Toto aberrant coelo qui hanc cnntinentcm Americarn nuncupari contendunt, cum Amerjcus multo post Columbum eandern terram adicrit.

" The Latin (Quare promissain terrain pollicitam, et non vernacula lingua laudatam Pronunties) hints at a play upon a word in the original German: gelobtes if a participle from geloben meaning promised, biat if frnm lohen meaning praised. cf. J. G. Schelhorn, Aflioeflitates /ijerariae (Frankfurt, 1725—31), XIV, 395 f; J. G. de Chauffepié, Nouveau Dwtsonnaj,e iiistorique et Critique (Amsterdam, 1750—56), Iv, 223, n.

‘~ cf. Calvin, viii, 727, 732, 738, 741, 745, 496; Mosheim, op. cit., pp. 260—265.

U Vidi Ipse Regem pluthnoi hoc languore corruptoi tangentem, an anati fuuint non

 

‘5 Multa fugerunt hunc bonum virum, quae post euns dcprchendit oculatissimus Michael Villanovanus, qui non poenitendas vigilias locavit in Ptolomaeum, emendando corrupts, explicando retrusa, et scholiis illustrando obscuriora.

t6 cf. Tollin, ‘Michael Servcr als Gengraph,’ Zeitschrift der Gesel/schaft fur Erdl<unde eat Berlin, x (a875), 182—222; id., ‘Michael Servet, em Vorllufcr K. Ritter’s und Alex. v. Humboldt’s,’ Id. op., xiv, (5879), 356—368; Eloy Bulldn y Fernández, Miguel Street y /4 Geografia dcl Rcnacimiento (Madrid, 1929). Dr. Giulin Ceradini, on the other hand, along with opposing Servetus’s claim to distinction as an anatomist, makes light of Servetus’s contributions to geogrnphy, and treats his work with sarcastic contempt; cf. his Opere (Milano, 1906), i. 237, n., 256 if, 293—437.

‘7 cf. F. Ailut, Etude biographiquc et bibliographique sur Symphorien Cham pier (Lyon, ‘859); Tollin, ‘Des Arztcs Michael Scrvet Lchrcr in Lyon, Dr. Symphoricn Champier,’ Archiv jut pathvlogische Anatomic rand Physiologic, lxi (1874), 377—382; j~j., ‘Trait

Sdecjnu du xv? iiêclt: Champier, Fuchi, Servet,’ Revise Scientifique, xxii (Msy x6, 23, 1885), 613—620, 651—654.

~ "Sysophoriano Campegio, cui ut discipulus snulta dcbco"; (Servetus), in Leonardum Fuc/Isium Apologia, p. Au. cf. Tollin, Wic Michael Servet em Mediciner wurde,’ Deutsche Klinik, xxvii (Feb. 20, 27, 1875), 57—59, 65—68.

‘°in Leonardu,n Fuchsium Apologia, autore Michacle Villanovano, (Lugduni, 1536), 15 pp. The tract had long been known only by tide, and its very existence was doubted (cf. Mosheins, Venue/I, p. 73), when Tollin in the winrer of 1858—59 discovered the first part of it reprinted in another work. The whole was later found, and a copy is in Dr. Williams’s Library, Lossdoo. cL Tollin, ‘Michael Servet’s Brcvissisna Apologia pro Symphoriano Campegio in Leonardum Puchsium,’ Denise/Irs Arc/lie für Gesc/jicllte der Medicin and nsedicinisc/ze Geographie, vii, (1884), 409—442; van der Linde, Serve:, pp.

41-52.

20 "Justificationis vim non satis intelligunt," p. Au•~i ~‘Pro ecciesia (Catholica), Ut pro

matre fihius," p. Au.

21 A tradition has found its way into print that in 1535 (hence during the Lyon period)

an ardent Protestant pastor named Michel Servet came to Saint-Etienne de St. Geoirs in Dauphiné and spread antitrinitarian teaching among numerous Converts, but was driven from the commune in disgrace, to be put to death by his friend Calvin at Geneva two years later. The archives of Saint-Etienne yield no support for this tale, which bears obvious marks of being apocryphal. cf. A. P. Simsan, Sa,nt.Etiennc de St. Geoirs, village delphusal (Grenoble, i86i), pp. 105—107; E. J. SavignC, Lv Savant Michel Servet (Vsenne, 1907), p. ‘3.

22 The preface to the Apologia is dated ‘Lutetiae Paz isiorum, pridie Idus Novembris,

1536’; and his matriculation at the University, "Michael Vihlanueva Cesaraugustanens. dsoec.," was March 24, 1537/8 (Acta rectoria, .czve 7uratorum registra, cited by Tollin, ‘Servet-Krstik,’ p. 449). As under the old calendar this latter date was the very last day of the year, the interval will have been as stated.

23 Syruporum univer~a ratio, ad Galeni censuram diligenter expolita (Paris, 1537),

71 pp. Also Venice, 1545; Lyon (546, ‘547, 1548.

24 Or, in Latin form, Joannes Guinterus. The name is also incorrectly given as GünI her, Winter, and Gonthier. See note below. cf. Edouard Turner, ‘La circulation du sang,’ Progr?s Me’dicale, Xiii, 365 (Paris, 1885).

25 S’en a/la lire icc Mathématiques d’Artigny, Me’mo,,es, ii, 103.

26 cf. Calvin, viii, 780.

27Auxiiarium habui, primum, Andream Vesalium, juvenem meherculem in Anatomia diligentjssjmum. Post hunc, Michael Villanovanus, famiiariter mihi in consectationibus adhsbitus est, vir omni literarum genere ornatissimus, in Galeni doctrina vix ulli secundus. loannis Guinteri Anatomicarum Iiot:tutionum cx Galeni sententia libri liii (Basel, 1539), preface. Servetus’s contribution to anatomy will be spoken of a little later.

28 From his matriculation, March 24, 1536/7, to his trial before the Parlement, March i8, ‘537/8, which must have been close to the end of his residence.

29cf. Tohhin, ‘Anleitung zum Studium der Medicin aus den Jahren 1533 und 1540,’

4rchiv für pathologisi-he Anatomic und Physiologic, lxxx (i88o), 47—78.

~‘ "Respond quil cit docteur en medicine, maistre es ars de Parys," Calvin, viii, 767.

 

~‘ In the Paris trial he is spoken of only as a student of medicine (scholasticus mcdicmae). In the tnal at Vienne, though he called himself Docteur en Mc’decine, he is spoken

of Only as medecin Jure’, médecin, and medicus, and is so addressed by a correspondent (cf. d’Artigny, ii, so, f, 119, 123; Calvin, VLi5, 785, 835, 845, 851). On the other hand, in that same year another correspondeni addressed him as Docteur en Médecinc (Calvin,

viii, 835), and in an extant contract of 1540 he is described under that title (cf. Baudrier, Scrvet, p. 44.)

In a thorough search of University records at Montpelliex, Tollin found no entry for Servetus, unless he had disguised himself as Michael Navarrus, dioces. Caesar August., when matriculating in September, 154o; and even then there was no record of a degree. It was therefore inferred that if Servetus ever obtained a degree at all, it was psobably by purchase (a common practice at the time), perhaps at Avignon, which he visited after leaving Paris (cf. dArtigny, p. 503). cf. Tollin, ‘Michael Servet in Charlseu’ Deutsches Archiv fur die Gcschzchte dv? Medicin iced medicinische Geographic, viii. (i88~), 90—94. The registers at Padua are no longer extant. Nor can Vesalius or Silvius be proved by records to have taken the Doctor’s degiee, cf Tollin, ‘Andreas Vesal,’ Biologisches Ccntraiblatt, v, (1885), 341 f.

32 cf. van der Linde, Servet, p. 57.

33 "Multis jam annss . . . Geographiam sp~am Ptolomaei a me sis dignatus audire" (Ptolemy, ed. of 1541, Dedication to Pierre Palmier). "S’en ails lire MathCmatiques au College des Lombard," (d’Artigny, U, 103). "A Paris Ia ou il a estudiC en médecine et a leu publiquement en mathCmatique (Calvin, viii, 767). "Quil la (Ptolemy’s Geography) leu a Parys" (id. op., p. 738).

It is not to be taken for granted (as is often done) that the lectures were given at the University, or under its auspices. They may have been independent lectures elsewhere in the city. While the case of Servetus was under discussion, Dean Tagault called the attefl~ tion of the faculty of arts (March 4) to the lact that very many who were not at all approved by the University were publicly teaching subjects in the liberal arts in the city of Paris, and that if this evil were not checked, it would bring the University to ruin. d:

Commentari, facultatis artium, quoted by Tollin, ‘Michael Servet’s Pariser Process Deutschcs Archw für Ge~chichte der Medicin und mcd:cinischc Geographic, iii (i88o), 212.

cf. van der Linde, Servet, pp. 256, as8; Calvin, vii, 516; XXXV15, 123.

31 Disputationes adversus Asiroiogos (in his Opera omnia, Venetiis, 1519).

36 cf. Burckhardt, Renaissance, pp. 507—518.

~ Laelius Socinus to Bullinger, Aug. 20, 1550: "Omnes ab uno Melanchthone, qui astrologise judsciarsae fuit addictus (pendent), et unus ille ab astrisne magis an ab astrorum conditore ac Domino pendeat, ignoro." Cited by Illgen, Symbolae, part. ii, p. 19. cf. Wilhelm Bernhardt, Philipp Melanchthon a/s Mathematiker und Physzker (Wittenberg, ‘865).

38 cf Calvin, Advertissement contre l’Astrologie qu’on appelle judiczaire (1549), OPera, Vii, 5,6.

~ Dr. Champier employed it, and had published a work on the subject: Pronosticon e Presagi,s Astro/ogorum, etc. (Lyon, 1518.) cf. Lynn Thorndike, History of Magic and xperzmental Science (New York, 1923), S. C. ‘Astrology in Medicine.’

40 cf. Tollin, ‘Johann Thibault, MLchael Servet’s Pariser Fecund,’ Arc/nv fur pathologzschc Anatomic und Physiologic, lxxxviii (1879), 302—318; id., ‘Zu Thibault’s Piozess, urkundlich dargestcllt,’ Deutsches Arc/nv für Geschichtc der Medicin und medicinische Geographic, iii (~88o), 332—347.

4! The sources for this episode were unearthed by Tollin in 1858—’59 in the Archives

de France, MatinCes X, 4905, p. 58ib if; Commentarij Facuitatis ?vfedicinae Parisienc,s, v,

97, 98; Commentarii Facultatis Artium, No. i8. Verbally reprinted by Tollin, ‘Michael

Sarvet’s Pariser Process,’ Deutsche’s Arc/nv fur Geschichte der Medicin rend medicinische

Geographic, iii. (i88o), 183—221. cf. C. E. Bulaeus (du Boulay), Historia (Jniver.iitatis

Parisiensis, (Paris, 1665—’73), vi, 311 f, ~ 1—334; Mosheim, Versuch, pp. 399—404.

42 February 2, 1537/38. Quidam scholasticus medicinae, Michael Vsllanovanus, natione Hispanus, aut, Ut dicebat, Navarrus, sed Hispano patre progenitus, anno 1537 (i. C, 1538, N. S.) professus fuerat aliquot dies judicisrian-i sue divinatriçem astrologiam Parisiis. ci. Tollin, op. cit. supra, p. 204.

Ils Ic font citer par devant l’Inquisiteur de [a Foy, consme sil eust este suspect de msuvaise doctrine. cf. Tollsn, op. cit. supra, p. 193.

~ Michaelis Villanovani in quendam medicum Apologetica dssceptateo pro astrologta (Paris, 1538), s6 pp., small 8°. Bibliothèque Natsonale, No. V. 2410. This unique copy discovered by Tollin in 1858 W25 ieprsnted with introduction by him (Beilsn, i88o). Dutch translation by van der Linde, Servet, pp. 65—81.

41 ~ so pea, p. 122.

46 Galenus sun saeculo . . . jurat per deos immortales, se amicorum precibus coactum de astronomsa dssserussse, nam id sponte facturus non erat, videns sul temporis medicis alsa potius nugamenta placere, et haec ease illis invidsosa. . . Per dcuM immortalem cum Galeno julo, me non sponte, sed ab amicss adactum, ad mathemata divertisse, cum in medicina totus essem. Scsebam enim cum tot monstris mihs esse dsmscandum. Sed postquam in arenam descends, stabo vsriliter. Apo/ogetica disceptatio, pp. 37—39.

47 The Dean’s statement in bringing his case before the court was: "Porrsgo supplicem libellum senatui, quo petimus, Ut Apologiae iliac venales non exponantur." ci. Tollin, op. cit., p. 205.

48 ci. Tollin, op. cit., p. 207.

4~ cf. d’Artsgny, ii, 103; Calvin, viii, 767, 769. The view espoused for a time by Gordon (v. Encyclopaedia Britannica, ed. is, xxiv, 685) that Servetus was enrolled at the University of Louvain, 1537—’38, as Michael Villanovanus, was later disproved and retracted.

ci. Tollin, ‘Michael Servet in Charlieu,’ Dcutsehes Arch:,, fur die Ge’schichte der Medicin und medicinische Geographic, viii (i88~), 76—96.

5~ ci. Hiérosme Bolsec, Histoire de ia vie . . . de Jean Calvin, ed. Chastel (Lyon, 1875), p s8f.

52 ci. Calvin, viii, 769, 781.

    53 cf. Mosheim, Nachrichten, p. 40 f.

54cf, d’Artigny, bc. cit. Mosheim (Versuch, p. 83) cOnjectures that Servetus, being thirty years old in 1539, must have followed the example of Jesus, and have received adult baptism at that age (ci. Christianismi Restitatio, p. 412: Triginta annorum Christus baptismum accepit, c~empbum nobis dans, etc.), hence from Anabaptssts either in Switzerland during his Charlieu period, or (assuming bis th in s 551) at Vienne in x 54 i; but there is no positive evidence that he was ever re-baptized at all.

55 cf. Baudriex, See vet, i, 50.

s6 ci. d’Artsgny, ii, 6~, 90.

‘7 ci. Ptolemy (1541), dedication.

58 ci. SavignC, Scrvet, p. 19.

59 cf. Tollin, ‘Saint Vestunien de la Vau,’ Arc/nv für pathologische Anatomic und Physiologic und für klinssche Medicin, ci (1885), 44—70; Scaligerana (Lugduni Batavorum, i668), p. 197 f, "J’csi veu ces lettres-ia"; Naudaeana et Patiniana, (Amsterdam, 1704) Dc la Vau appears in the Reformed church at Poitiers in ~ as an opponent of Calvin, and at Geneva later on he was called to account for disapproving of the execution of Servetus and taking the side of Castellso in the controversy that followed. He was friendly with Castellio, Borrhãus and Curioni at Basel. Calvin called him "ceste bc’stc sauvage." ci. Calvin to the church at Poitiers, Feb. 215, 1555, XV, 435—446. 6o v. Dc Trio., p. sa.

    v. Acts. xxi. 26; cf. Calvin, viii, 789; Servetus, Restitutio, p. 563 f. 6a cf. d’Artigny, op. cit., ii, 66, ~i 13.

63 ci. Baudrier, Serjiet,_h--44—46. Bib/ia Sacra cum glossis, etc., (Lugduni, G. Trechsel, ‘545 and following). Unsigned preface by the corrector. This edition is little known. Part of it was perhaps printed at Vienne after Trechsel’s removal thither.

~ ci. d’Artigny, op. cit., p. 68.

6~ ~ Baudrier, op. Cit., i, 50—52.

~ Pluresque aanatos passim audivi.

67 The dedication is reprinted in Moshesm, Versuch, p. 404 1.

68 Bib/ia Sacra cx Santis Pagnie~z tralatione, etc Lugduns, 1542, Hugo a Porta (printed by Gaspard Trechsel).

69 Venice, 5530. ci. J. M Langius, Dis~erta1,o de prima Alcorani Arabici editionc. It was perhaps from this work or its Latin introduction that Seivetus derived the references to the teaching of Mohammed w~bich he makes in his Dc Trinitatis erroribus.

7° Reprinted in Mosheim~.~V~’rsuch, p. 404 f. English translation in An impartial Wistory of Michael Servetui~~ondon, s724), pp. 40—44.

7’ It was placed on the Louvain Index librorum prohibitorum of 1546 and i ~ reprinted at Rome in 1559. The Spanish Inquisstors were less severe, approving the trans)ation as good enough, but on account of the marginal notes, which were deemed wicked and ;udaizsng, the work was placed on the Index expurgatorius of Sotomaior (Madrid, 1567), and of Quiroga (Madrid, 1584). For a list of the passages to be expurgated, see Mosheim, op. Cit., pp. 410—414.

72 So Mosheim declares, op. cit. (p. 89), who apparently had compared the two editions.

73 Exnmples of the most interesting of these are given by Mosheim, pp. 407—410, and by Willis, Scrvetus, pp. 146—154.

74 ci. Calvin, viii, 727, 745, 497.

"According to Sandius (Bibliotheca, p. ix), he is said to have been the author of a devotional book entitled Desiderius Peregrinus, originally written in Spanish, but afterwards translated into Latin, Italian, French, German and Dutch, and hence very popular;

also known under the title, Thesaurus Animac. The style and spirit are totally unlike Servetus, and there seems no good reason for attributing it to him.

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