This frame will display the text for the footnotes in A History of Unitarianism in Transylvania, England, and America.   Simply click on the number of any footnote in the frame above, and its corresponding text will be displayed here.

Chapter 1 Notes

1 Its names, when taken from heresies with which its opponents sought to identify it, have been Ebionism, Sabellianism, Samosatenianism, Arianssm, Photinianism. Its adherents, named from their leaders, have beers called Servetians, Budnaeans, Farnovians, Socinians, Bidellians; from the chief seats of their activity, Pinczovians or Racovians; if from their distinctive doctrines, Monarchians, Antitrinitarians, Tritheists, Bideites, Trinitarians! Unitarians. They themselves have preferred to be called simply Christians, Polish Brethren, Rational Christians, Catholic Christians, Liberal Christians, and Unitarians. Of these names, Arians is the one that was (and still is) most widely current in Poland; Unitarians, throughout in Transylvania; Socinians, in western Europe and for some time in England; while controversialists in Germany freely employed the term Photinians. The flame Unitarian, as will be seen, has had different connotations at different times; but though by many not too willingly borne, as giving undue emphasis to a single doctrine, it has now by the usage of more than a century in England and America become well established.

2 For a fuller development of this view, see the author’s article, ‘The Meaning and Lesson of Unitarian History,’ in the Proceedings of the Unitarian Historical Society (London, 1926), iii. 350.

3 For the classic statement of this view, see Joseph Priestley, History of the Corruptions of Christianity (London, 1782).

4 For the full development of this thought, see Edwin Hatch, The Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages upon the Christian Church (Hibbert Lectures), London, 1890

5 For a lucid account of the following development of Christian thought, see Albert Réville, History of the Dogma of the Deity of Jesus Christ (London, 1905), chaps. iii–iv.

6 We, the three Emperors, will that all our subjects . . . believe the one divinity of the Father, Son and Holy Spirit, of majesty co-equal, in the Holy Trinity. We will that those that embrace this creed be called Catholic Christians. We brand all the senseless followers of other religions by the infamous name of heretics, and forbid their conventicles to assume the name of churches, etc. Codex Theodosianus, xvi, 1, 2.

7 Codex Justinianeus, I, i, 5.

 

Chapter 2 Notes

1 cf. Friedrich Thudichum, Die deutche, Reformation, (Leipzig, 1909), ii, 151; id., Papsttum und Reformation (Leipzig, 19O3), p. 333.

2 cf. Robert Holkot, Super quatuor libros Sententíarum, I, quaest. 5.

3 cf. Thudichum, Papsttum, pp. 101, 371.

4 Dogma nullum habemus, diversum ab ecclesia Romana. Letter of Ju!y 6, 1530, to Cardinal Campeggio. Melanchthon, Opera, ed. Bretachneider (Braunschweig, 1834–1860), ii, 170, On the genuineness of this passage, cf. Benrath in Jahrbücher für protestantische Theologie, viii (1882), 179 f.

5 I. John v. 7. Compare the Revised English Version with the Authorized Version, noting the omission.

6 For many citations of his antitrinitarian tendencies, cf. Henri Tollin, ‘Der Verfasser De Trinitatis Erroribus und die zeitgenossischen Katholiken,’ Jahrbücher für protestantische Theologie, xvii (1891), 389–412; Étienne Chaste, Histoire du Christianisme (Paris, 1881–’83), iv, 380, and all along here, iv, 379–385; G. Bonet-Maury, Sources of English Unitarian Christianity (London, 1884), pp. 41–44; Charles Beard, Reformation of the Sixteenth Century (Hibbert Lectures), London, 1883; pp. 149–152. See Erasmus’s annotations on John i, I; Rom. ix, 5; I. John v. 7; cf. his Opera (Leiden edition), ix, 1040B, 1050D.

7 Vocula haec Trinitas nusquam in divinis scriptoribus reperitur, caeterum humanitus tantummodo inventa. Unde omnino etiam frigide sonat; ac multo praestabilius foret; si Deus potiusquam Trinitas dicatur. Postilla major super Dominicam Trinitatis. cf. Bonet-Maury, op. cit., pp. 12–14, 221; T. M. Lindsay, History of the Reformation (New York, 1910), i, 471 f; Maurice Schwalb, Luther, ses opinions religieuses (Strasbourg, 1866), p 72.

8 cf. Christopher Sandius, Nucleus Historiae Ecclesiasticae (ed. 2, Coloniae, 1676), p. 423.

9Loci theologici, 1521, ed. Plitt (Erlangen, 1864), p. 103 ff. Text and translation also in Bonet-Maury, op. cit., p. 10 ff; Chastel, op. cit., iv, 380.

10 cf. Friedrich Trechsel, Die Protestantischen Antitrinitarier nor Faustus Socin (Heidelberg, 1839), i, 160; Abraham Ruchat, Histoire de Ia Réformation de la Suisse (Nyon, 1836), V, 27 ff.

11 cf. on Matt. xxvii. 34; Luke ii. 40; John x. 30, 36; xvii. 21. Aegidius Hunnius, Calvinus judaizans, etc. (Witebergae, 1595), examines and cites many passages in Calvin’s commentaries in which he rejects the orthodox interpretation in favor of the doctrine of the Trinity, and approves one more acceptable to Antitrinitarianism, and thus lays a foundation for Arianism.

12 Vides ergo carmen esse, magis cantillando aptum quam formulam confessionis. "Adversus Caroli calumnias," in Calvin, Opera, ed. Baum, Cunitz et Reuss (Brunsvigae, 1863–1900), vii, 316.

13 Precatio vulgo trita: Sancta Trinitas unus Deus miserere nostri, mihi non placet, ac omnino barbariem sapit; "Epistola ad Polonos," April 30, 1563, Calvin, ix, 647. cf. Bonet-Maury, op. cit., pp. 15-17; Chastel, op. cit., iv, 381. The Genova Confession of 1536 in art. ii. expresses belief in ‘"ung seul Dieu," but gives no intimation of a Trinity; cf. Calvin, ix, 693.

14 Ubique difusus omnia sustinet, vegitat et vivificat, in coelo et terra. "Institutio" (1559), I. xiii. 14; ii, 202. cf. La Rochelle Confession, art. vi, ‘Le Saint-Esprit, sa vertu, puissance, et efficace."

15 cf. Chastel, op. cit., iv, 381; Philip Schaff, History of the Christian Church (New York, 1885–1907), vii, 351, 632; Ruchat, op. cit., V, 16–24.

16 Guillaume Farel, Sommaire’ et briève déclaration d’aucuns Ijeux fort nécessaires a ung chacun Chrétien (reprint of the ed. of 1534, Genève, 1867). cf. chap. i., ‘De Dieu"; ii., ‘De Jésus Christ."

17 cf. Réville, Deity, p. 204 f. At Marburg Luther charged both Zwingli and Oecolampadius with encouraging denial of the Trinity. cf. Bonet-Maory. op. cit., pp. 15, 55 n. For yet other examples, cf. Trechsel, op. cit., i, 156-164.

 

Chapter 3 Notes

1 cf. H. E. Dosker, The Anabaptists (Philadelphia, 1921), p. 33.

2 Thudichum, Reformation, ii, 151 f.

3 Das unser Christus Jesus warer Gott sey, zeugnüs der heyligen geschrifft, wider die newen Juden und Arrianer, unter Christlichem namen, welche die Gottheyt Christi verleugnen. (Nürnberg, 1527), p. aa. ii.

4 See Athenae Rauricae (Basileae, 1778), p. 24 f; Camill Gerbert, Geschichte der Strassburger Sektenbewegung (Strassburg, 1889), pp. 64-70; Bernhard Riggenbach, article in Basler Jahrbuch (Basel, 1900), pp. 47-84; Stanislaus von Dunin Borkowski, ‘Quellenstudien zur Vorgeschichte der Unitarier des 16 Jahrhunderts’ (in 75 Jahre Stella Matutina, Festschrift, Feldkirch, 1931), i, 121-125.

5 cf. Zwingli, Säsmtliche Werke, hrsg. Egli u. Finsler (Leipzig, 1905-), ix, 191 f; Ludwig Keller, Ein Apostle der Wiedertäffer (Leipzig, 1882), p. 153

6 Sit ille Deus plene per plenam participationem Deitatis quac in eo habitat corporaliter, et per plenam participationem Spiritus Sancti quem ad mensuram non habet. At et nos Dei et filii excelsi omnes sumus, participatione Deitatis et Spiritus ejusdem. op. cit., p. 28a.

7 Under the title, De restauratione ecclesiae, as a part of Blandrata’s De Mediatore (Albae Juliae, 1568.)

8 In entering upon his new career he gave up the name Cellarius which he had previously adopted, and resumed his original name of Borrhäus.

9 For the proof, with citation of passages, cf. Dunin Borkowski, op. cit., p. 121 ff.

10 cf. Wilhelm Heberle, Johann Denk und sein Büchlein vom Gesetz,’ Theologische Studien und Kritiken, xxiv (1851), 121-194, 412 f; do., ‘Johann Denk und die Ausbreitung seiner Lehre,’ id. op., xxviii (1855), 817-890; Ludwig Keller, op. cit.; Realency-klopädie von protestantischer Theologie und Kirche, 3. AufI., iv, 576; Mennonitisches Lexikon (Frankfurt a/M., 1913-), i, 401-414; Rufus M. Jones, Spiritual Reformers in the 16th and 17th centuries (New York, 1914), chap. ii., ‘Hans Denck and the Inward Word"; Frederick L. Weis, Life, Teachings and Works of Johannes Denck (Strasbourg, 1924).

11 cf. Heberle, in Studien und Kritiken, xxviii, 847 ff.

12 Alle Propheten nach Hebräischer sprach verteutscht von Ludwig Hetzer und Hans Dengk (Wormbs, 1527).

13 cf. Frederick L. Weis, Life, Teachings and Works of Ludwig Heizer (Lancaster, 1930), p. 141.

14 cf. Keller, Apostel, p. 210.

15 Wer die warhait warlich lieb hat (1525); Was geredt sey, das die Schrifft sagt (1526); Ordnung Gottes, und der Creaturen werck (1526); Vom Gesatz Gottes (1526); Von der Waren Lieb (1527). Denck’s tracts were reprinted in one volume at Amsterdam, 1680, under tht title, Geistliches Blumengärtlein.

16 cf. Heberle, in Studien und Kritiken, xxviii (1855), 828-831.

17 Allmacht, Güte und Gerechtigkeit, das ist die Dreifaltigkeit, einigkeit und einige Dreiheit Gottes.

18 Norimbergae ludimagister apud TheobaIdi templum negavit spirituan sanctum et filium esse aequalem Patri, qui ob id pulsus et ejectus est. Capito to Zwingli, Feb. 6, 1525, Zwingli, Werke, viii, 302.

19 Bucer to Zwingli, Aug. 23, 1527, Zwingli, Werke, ix, 185.

20 Keller, Apostel p. 245.

21 cf. Theodor Keim, ‘Ludwig Hetzer’, Jahrbücher für deutsche Theologie, i (1856), 215-288; Realencyk., vii, 325; Weis, Hetzer.

22 For the decree of the Council in the case, cf. Weis, Hetzer, p.135 f.

23 cf J. H. Ottius, Annales Anabaptistici (Basileae, 1672), anno 1528, p. 46.

24 cf. Thomas Blaurer, Wie L. Hetzer zu Costenz mit dem Schwertgericht uss, diesm zyt abscheyden ist (Constanz, 1529); Sebastian Franck, Chronica (Strassburg, 1531), p. 415b; J. J. Hottinger, Helvetische Kirchen-Geschichten (Zurich, 1698-1729), iii, 498 f; J. Breitinger, ‘Anekdota quaedam de Ludovico, Haetzer’ Museum Helveticum (Zürich, 1751), vi, 100-121; Tieleman J. van Braght, Martyrology of the Churches of Christ commonly called Baptist, etc. (London, 1850), i, 97-100 (Hanserd Knollys Society Publications, vol vi).

25 cf. Capiro to Zwingli, July 7, 1527, Zwingli, Werke, ix, 267 f; quoted in Weis, Hetzer, p. 239.

26 Preserved in Franck, Chronica, loc. cit.; reproduced also by Breitinger, op. cii., p 117; F. S. Bock, Historia Antitriniariorum (Regiomonti et Lipsiae, 1776), ii, 235; Joseph Beck, Geschichtsbücher der Wiedertäuffer in Oesterreich-Ungarn (Foutes Rerum Austriacarum, ii. Abteilung, Bd. 43, Wien, 1883), p. 34; Weis, Hetzer, p. 214 f.

27 cf. Ottius, op. Cit., anno 1529, sec. 4: Deitatem Christi ex illo hominum genere primus impugnavit libro scripto, quem suppressit Zwinglius.

28 cf. Keim, Hetzer, p. 284.

29 Printed in Johannes Heumann, Documenta literaria (Leipzig, 1758), p. 65; J. E. Gayler, Historische Denkwürdigkeiten von Reutlingen (Reutlingen, 1840), p. 317; Heberic in Studien und Kritiken, xxviii (1855), 854; Weis, Hetzer, p. 218.

30 The reference has often been supposed to be to Servetus, or even to the Socinians. The dates make this impossible. Servetus did not publish until 1531, and the Socinians not until a generation later. The liberal Anabaptists must have been in mind. cf. Henricus ab Allwoerden, Historia Michaelis Serveti (Helmstadii, 1728), pp. 26-29; J. G. Walch, Dissertatio de Samosatenianis neotericis quorum mentio fit in Confessione Augustana (Jenae, 1730), pp. 14–25.

31 cf. Heberle in Studien und Kritiken, xxviii (1855), 838-847; Weis, Hetzer, pp. 146-151

32 cf. Zwingli, Opera, ed Schuler et Schulthess (Zürich, 1829-‘42), viii. 77, n. I; Heberle in article above cited, pp. 840–842; Thudichum, Reformation, ii, 162; Weis, Hetzer, p 249 f.

33 Getrewe Warnung der Prediger des Evangelii zu Strassburg über die Artikel so Jacob Kautz, Prediger zu Worms, kürtzilch hat lassen aussgehn, die Frucht der Schrift und Gottes Worts, den Kinder Tauff und erlösung unsers Herrsn Jesu Christi sampt anderm, darin sich Hans Dencken und anderer widertäuffer schwere ythumb erregen betreffend (Strassburg, 1527).

34 cf. Keim, Hetzer, i, 276; F. W. E. Roth, Buchdruckereien zu Worms (Worms, 1892), p. 4.

35 cf. T. W. Röhrich, Geschichte der Reformation im Elsass (Strassburg, 1830–32), i, 341; id., Zur Geschichte der strassburgischen Wiedertäuffer’, Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie, xxx (1860), 43–48.

36 cf. Röhrich, Reformation, ii, 76; id., Wiedertäuffer, pp. 60–64.

37 cf. J. G. Schelhorn, ‘De Joanne Campano Anti-trinitario dissertatio’ (Amoenitates Literariae, Frankfurt, 1725-‘31), xi, 1–92; Trechsel, Antitrinitarier, i, 26–34; Karl Rembert, Wiedertäufer im Herzogtum Jülich (Berlin, 1899), 161–302; Mennonit. Lex., i, 317-324.

38 cf. W. D. Tenzel, Historischer Bericht . . der Reformation Lutheri, ed. Cyprian (Leipzig, 1717), p. 98. Campanus attacked the doctrine of the Trinity in Holland as early as 1524; cf. Rembert, op. cit., p. 164.

39 cf. Melanchthon, Opera, ii, 13.

40 Attulit magnum acervum impiorum dogmatum . . disputat Christum non esse Deum, Spiritum Sanctum non ease Deum, peccatum originale nomen inane esse. cf. Melanchthon to Myconius, March 27, 1530, Opera, ii, 33.

41 cf Rembert, op. cit., pp. 217–226.

42 Contra totum post Apostolos mundum.

43 Göttlicher und heiliger Schrifft, vor vilen jaren verdunckelt, und durch unheylsame leer and Leren (ausz Gottes zulassung) verfinstert, Restitution und besserung (1532). cf. Rembert, op. cit., pp. 238–264.

44 Luther in his Table-talk said of him, Diesen verfluchtcn Unflat und Buben sol man nur verachten und sobald nicht wider ihn schreiben; denn da man wider ihn schreibe, so würde er desto kühner stolzer und mutiger ... Da sprach M. Philip: Mein Bedencken were, dass man ihn an den liechten Galgen hienge, und solchs hette er seinem Herrn geschrieben. cf. Schelhorn, Campanus, p. 11. In his Table-talk for 1532 Luther also spoke of ‘eim grewlich boss Buch wider die heilige Dreieinigkeit im Druck ausgegarsgen.’ This has generally been supposed to refer to Servetus’s book of 1531 on the Errors of the Trinity; but the reference fits Campanus equally well. (id., p. 56). cf. Melanchthon, Opera, ii, 29, 513.

45 cf. Rembert, op. cit., p. 276, n.

46 cf. H. W. Erbkam, Geschichte der protestantischen Sekten im Zeitalter der Reformation (Hamburg, 1848), pp. 286–357; C. A. Hase, Sebastian Franck von Wörd der Schwarmgeist (Leipzig, 1869); H. Ziegler, ‘Kurze Darstellung Franck’s theologischen Standpunkts,’ Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche Theologie, xii (1869), 383–421; J. F. Smith, Sebastian Franck, Heretic, Mystic and Reformer of the Reformation,’ Theological Review, xi (1874), 158–179; Alfred Hegler, Geist und Schrift bei Sebastian Franck (Freiburg i/B, 1892); Edwin Tausch, Sebastian Frauck von Donauwörth und seine Lehrer, (Berlin, 1893); Jones, Reformers, chap. iv., "Sebastian Franck: an Apostle of Inward Religion"; Alligemeine Deutsche Biographie, vii, 214; Realency., vi, 142; Mennonit. Lex., i, 668–674.

47 Chronica, Zeytbuch und Geschijchtbibel von anbegyn biss inn diss gegenwertig MDXXXI Yar (Strassburg, 1531).

48 Strassburg, Feb. 4, 1531. . . Der Spainier Servatus stellt in seinem Bünderlein alleine eine Person Gottes auf; Gott den Vater namlich nennt er einen selbständigen Geist; keiner von beiden ist dagegen eine Person. Die Römische Kirche lehrt, dass da 3 Personen an einem Wesen sind, Ich halte lieber mit dem Spanier. Rembert, Wiedertäuffer, p. 225.

49 cf. Alexander Nicoladoni, Johannes Blünderlin von Linz, und die oberösterreihischen Täufergemeinden in den Jabren 1525–1531 (Berlin, 1893); Jones, Reformers, chap. iii, "Two prophets of the Inward Word, Bünderlin and Entfelder"; Dunin Borkowski, Quellenstudien, pp. 110–122; Mennonit. Lex., 298–300.

50 cf. Georg Veesenmeyer, in Neues theologisches Journal, iv (1800), 309–334; Jones, ut supra; Dunin Borkowski, op. cii., pp. 116–110; Mennonit. Lex., i, 594 f.

51 Von Gottes unnd Christi Jesu unnseres Herren erkändtnuss, etc., c. 1530. Bock, Antitrinitar., ii, 240, erroneously attributes to a work of Denck a teaching clearly quoted from tIus book.

52 cf. Röhrich, Reformation, ii, 72 ff; Dunin Borkowski, ‘Utersuchungen zum Schrifttum der Unitarier vor Faustus Socini,’ 75 Jahre Stella Matutina. Festschrift (Feldkirch, 1931), ii, 110-112.

53 Incorrectly, Conrad in Gassen. cf. Christian Wurstisein, Bazler Chronik, ed. 3 (Basel, 1883), p. 411; Basler Choniken (Leipzig, 1872–1902), vi, 130, 201; Peter Ochs, Geschihte der Stadt und Landschaft Basel (Berlin 1786), vi, 28.

 

Chapter 4 Notes

1 cf. B. N. Krohn, Melchior Hofmann und die Secte, Hofmannianer (Liepzig,. 1758); Hermann Krohn, Essai sur Ia vie et les écrits de M. Hofmann (Strasbourg, 1852); W. 1. Leendertz, Melchior, Hofmann (HaarIem, 1883); F. 0. zur Linden, Melchior Hofmann, ein Prophet der Wiedertaüfer (HaarIem, 1885); Realencyk., viii, 222; Allg. D. Biog., xii, 636 f. Three of his works in Bibliotheca Reformatoria Neelandica (‘s Graveanhage, 1909), v, I25–314.

2 cf. Röhrich, Wiedertäuffer, p. 65.

3 cf. William Bradford, Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V (London, 1850), p. 471; H. T. Buckle, History of Civilization (London, 1873), i, 189.

4 cf. Bibliotheca Reformatoria Neerlandica, v, 315–581, reprinting Pastor’s Underscheid, and Disputation, with introductions. cf. A. H, Newman, ‘Adam Pastor, Antitrinitarian Antipaedobaptist,’ Papers of the American Society of Church History (second series, New York, 1917), v, 73-99; Dunin Borkowski, Untersuchungen, pp. 106–109; id, ‘Die Gruppierung der Antitrinitarier des 16. Jahrhunderts,’ Scholastik (Bonn, 1932), vii, 487–493.

5 cf. Bonet-Maury, Source,, p. 48.

6 Underscheid tassechen rechte leer unde valsche leer, with an appendix, Disputation van der Godtheit des Vader, Sone, unde Hilligen Geist, both in the Bibliotheca Reformatoria Neerlandica above cited.

7 Joris is an obsoIete Dutch form of Georg. His father was Joris de Koman; the son’s name Joris is thus a patronymic. Of the voluminous literature, cf. (Johannes Acronius), Davidis Georgii Holandi haeresiarchae vita ci doctrina (Basileae, 1559); Nicolaus Blesdijk, Historia vitae, doctrinae, ac rerum gestarurn Davidis Georgii haeresiarchae (Daventriae, 1642); Friedrich Jessen, Auffgedeclkte Larve Davidis Georgii (Kiel, 1670); Gottfried Arnold, Unpartheyische Kirchen- und Ketzer Historie (Franckfurt, 1729), ii, 750–778; IV, 534-737 (apologetic); A. M. Cramer, ‘Levensbeschrijving vao David Joris,’ Nederlandsch Archiev voor kerkeliike Geschiedenis, v, 1–145; vi, 289–368 (1845, 1846); Friedrich Nippold, ‘David Joris van Delft, sein Leben, seine Lehre und seine Secte,’ Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie, xxxiii, 3–166; xxxiv, 483–673; xxxviii, 475–591 (1863, 1864, 1868); Antonius van der Linde, David Joris, Bibliografie (‘s Gravenhage, 1867); Paul Burckhardt, David Joris,’ Basler Biographien (Basel, 1900), i, 91–157; Roland H. Bainton, David Joris (Leipzig, 1937).

8 He had been excommuniated by the Hofmannites at Strasburg and by the Mennonites in Friesland for his antitrinitarian opinions. cf. Bonet-Maury, Sources, p. 47.

9 ‘t Wonderboeck, waerin tat van der Wereldaen per slaten gheoperbaert is. 1542 and later.

10 The Spiesshof in town, and the Schloss zum Holée in the suburb of Binningen, are still extant. A fine portrait of Joris hangs in the public art museum near the Minster.

11 cf. Dunin Borkowiki. Gruppierung, p. 483 f; Nippold, Joris, xxxviii, 540.

12 cf. Friedrich Nippold, ‘Heinrich Nicklaes und das Haus, der Liebe,’ Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie, xxxiii (1862), 323-402, 473–563; Rufus M. Jones, Studies in Mystical Religion, (New York, 1909), pp. 428–448.

 

Chapter 5 Notes

1 The common Latin form of the name. The correct Spanish form is Miguel Serveto alias Reves; but this is in several respects so unusual a name that it was long and persistently conjectured that some other form must be the correct one; that the real name must have been Servede; that the alias must be a Latin equivalent for the Spanish y, and Reves therefore the mother’s family name; that Reves was an anagram (ignoring the t) for Serve; while the forms de Reves, Renes, Rennes, and Revers also occur. The question was at last settled by the discovery of seventeen documents in the archives of Santa Maria de Sigena, and attested 1511–’38 by his father, whose name is in each case given as above. Apparently the elder Serveto added alias Reves to his name when he became proprietor of the casa de Reves at Sigena. cf. Mariano de Pano, ‘La Familia de Miguel Servet,’ Revista de Aragón, ii (April, May, 1901), 119 ff., 151 ff.

     Despite the great mass of Servetus literature, there is still far from being any satisfactory life. The chief sources are in his own works; in Calvin’s Opera (Corpus Reformatorum), vol. viii, containing the records of the Geneva trial and much supplementary contemporary material; and in l’Abbé Antoine Gachet d’Artigny’s Nouveaux Mémoire’s d’histoire, de critique et de littérature, vol. ii (Paris, 1749), giving records of the Vienne trial. Of subsequent works the most valuable are J. L. von Mosheim, Anderweitiger Versuch einer . . .Geschichte . . . Michaels Serveto (Helmstedt, 1748); supplemented by his Neue Nachrichten von . . . Michael Serveto (ibid., 1750); Robert Willis, Servetus and Calvin (London, 1877); A. van der Linde, Michael Servet, een brandoffer der gereformeerde Inquisitie (Groningen, 1891); Sigismundo Pey-Ordeix, Miguel Servet, etc. (Madrid, 1911); José Goyanes, Miguel Serveto, Teólogo, Geógrafo, y Médico, etc. (Madrid, 1933). Also some seventy titles of works and periodical articles (1874–’94) by Henri Tollin, upon whom all later writers have largely based their writing. Though often suggestive, his statements and judgments, however positively given, deserve to be taken only with great critical caution. For a useful introduction to the literature, cf. Roland H. Bainton, ‘The present state of Servetus Studies,’ Journal of Modern History, iv (x 1932), 72–92.

2 cf. E. Stähelin, Johannes Calvin (Elberfeld, 1863), i, 428

3 cf. Trechsel, Antitrinitarier, i, 61.

4 Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo, Historia de los Heterodoxos Españoles (Madrid, 1880), ii, 249.

5 cf. Henri Tollin, Servet’s Kindheit und Jugend’ Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie, xiv (1875), 545–616.

6 At Vienne he testified that he was a native of Tudela in Navarre, and also at his trial in Paris he said he was Navarrese (cf. Tollin, ‘Kindheit’; id. Zur Servet-kritik,’ Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche Theologie, xxi (1878), 450; but at Geneva he said he was a native of Villanueva in Aragön. Reasons may easily be found for either answer. Opinion generally favors Tudela, but from early infancy his home was certainly at Vilanueva. No parish records are extant for either place.

7 cf. van tier Linde, Servet, p. 235.

8 cf. Dr. B. R. Barrios, Quelques notes sur Michel Servet’, Chronique Médical, xii (Paris, Aug. 15, 1905), 556. Doubt is entertained whether any certainly authentic portrait of Servetus himself is extant. Allwoerden published as frontispiece to his work an engraving carefully made from a very old painting possessed by the Kirchenrat and Domprediger Peter Adoph Boysen of Halberstadt, whose provenance could be traced back to the famous Socinian scholar Johannes Crellius, who died eighty years after Socinus. Its further origin was unknown; but it was always regarded as authentic, and it was conjectured that it might have been made during Servetus’s final imprisonment. Into whose hands it passed after Boysen’s death is also unknown. cf. Allwoerden, Servetus, p. 147 ff; Mosheim, Versuch, p. 24 ff. The earliest printed portrait is the one engraved by Christoffel van Sichem (Amsterdam, 1607) and often reproduced. It is evidently derived from the same source. cf. J. P. Magnin, Celtic et Servet (Wiesbaden, 1886), p. 32.

9 cf. van der Linde, Servet, p. 4 f. Servetus states his age only approximately, and the various data given are conflicting. From his testimony at Vienne the date would seem to be 1511; at Geneva, 1509, the same as Calvin’s. There is no ground for making the day September 29 (as given on the Geneva monument) except the gratuitous assumption that he was named Michael from having been born on St, Michael’s day.

10 Gordon’s statement (Encyclopaedia Britannica, s. v. Servetus) that the father was Hernando Villanueva of San Gil rested upon a letter in the Record Office discovered in 1890, and was later acknowledged to be incorrect.

11 cI. de Pano, Familia.

12 Gordon very plausibly guesses the College of Huesca, cf. his The Personality of Michael Servetus (Manchester, 1910), p. 8; and his Addresses (Manchester, 1922), p. 12.

13 As by W. Lindanus, Tabulae grassantium haereseon (Paris, 1562), cited by Socinus, Opera, ii, 535 cf. Allwoerden, Servetus, pp. 7–21; Mosheim, Versuch, pp. 8-11; Bock’, Antitrinitar., ii, 324–326.

14 cf. Calvin, viii. 767; Tollin, ‘Michael Servet’s Toulouser Leben,’ Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche Theologie, xx (1877), 342–386; id., ‘Toulouser Studentenleben im Anfang des 16. Jahrhunderts,’ Historitches Taschenbuch, xliv (1874), 77-98.

15 cf. Calvin, loc. cit. Reading of the Bible was forbidden at Toulouse.

16 cf. Servetus, Dr Trinitatis, erroribus, pp. 32a, 35b.

17 cf. E. Rosseuw St. Hilaire, Histoire d’Espagne (Paris, 1837–’39), VI, 33 f.

18 cf. Dr Trin., pp. 107b, 78b, 79a.

19 This follows from Servetus’s testimony at Vienne. cf. d’Artigny, Mémoires, ii, 102.

20 Quintana was made confessor at Bologna in the spring of 1530, succeeding the bigoted Dominican, Garcia tie Loyasa. Desiring if possible to conciliate the reforming party at the coming Diet at Augsburg, Charles wished as his spiritual adviser a more tolerant man than Loyasa, who was for taking the severest measures, and was therefore now transferred to Rome as Charles’s representative at the Papal court. He was later recalled to service, and finally became Inquisitor-General of Spain. Quintana, after serving over two years as Confessor, returned to cloistered life in Spain as Prior of Montearagón and member of the Cortes, and died at Segovia in 1534. cf. Tollin, ‘Die Beichtväter Kaiser Karls V.’ Magazin für die Literatur des Auslandes, xliii (April 4-May 2, 1874), 201 ff.

21 cf. d’Artiguy, Mémoires ii, 102.

22 From Oct. 5 to March 22, 1530. cf. Vandesse’s Itinerary of Charles V.,’ in William Bradford, Correspondence of Charles V. (London, 1850).

23 cf. contemporary accounts in Henricus Cornelius Agrippa, ‘De duplici coronatione Caroli V. Caesaris apud Bononia historiola’ in Schardius Redivivus (Giessae, 1674), ii, 266–275; and in Franck, Chronica, pp. ccxxvi a–ccxxviii a; Tollin, ‘Eine italienitche Kaiserreise,’ Historisches Tashenbuch, xlvii (1877), 51–103.

24 Servetus, Christianismi Restitutio, pg. 462. ‘The allusion evidently is not, as Mosheim conjectured (Versuch, p. 55) to an experience in Rome, but to the coronation at Bologna.

25 cf. Tollim, Michael Servet und Martin Butzer (Berlin, 1880), p. 74 f.; id. Servet auf dem Reichstag zu Augsburg, Evangelisch-Reformirte Kirchenzeitung, xxvi (1876), 155 ff., who builds too much on an indefinite reference of Spalatin

26 cf. Tollin, Der Reichstag von Auguburg,’ Historisches Taschenbuch, i (1880), 61–108.

27 if correctly reported, he did not literally say this, but, "dit qu’il demeura environ un an audit Allemagne, & depuis Ia mort dudit Quintaine demeura tout seul sans Maistre." v. d’Artigny, Mémoires, ii, 102, Quintana did not die until 1534.

28Tollin, whose imagination is ever fertile in making plausible conjectures where positive evidence is lacking, builds upon a single passage of uncertain meaning in a letter from Servetus to Oecolampadius — "aliter enim propriis auribus a te declarari audivi & aliter a Doctore Paulo & aliter a Luthero, & aliter a Melanchthone"; v. J. G. Fueslin, Epistolae. ab Ecclesiae Helveticae Reformatoribus (Tiguri, 1742), p. 78; also in Mosheim, Versuch, p. 393—the thesis that Servetus accompanied Butzur on a very hurried visit to Luther at Coburg, and even fixes the date as Sept. 19 and 20, 1530. He also makes him Butzer’s amanuensis for a short time between his leaving Augsburg and his appearance at Basel. Though the thesis is cleverly argued, it can not be called more than pure conjecture. Cf. Tollin, Dr. Mf. Luther und Dr. M. Servet (Berlin, 1875); id, Servet und Butzer. For trenchant criticism, see reviews by Kawerau, ‘Luther und seine Beziehungen zu Servet Studien und Kritiken, li (1878), 479–498; and Knaake, id. op., liv (1882), 317–350 also van der Linde, Servet, p. 240 ft. Marheinecke’s statement (Christliche Symbolik, 1848) that Luther once took Servetus in as a fugitive is a mistake due to taking servatus for Servetus in a letter of Luther to Johann Brismann. cf. Tollin, ‘Luther und Marheinecke,’ Zeitschift für wisssenschaftliche Theologie, xxiii. (1880), 464–475. Luther mentions Servetus only twice by name and thrice by allusion (letter to the preachers of Erfurt, July 1, 1532; letter to Caspar Gürtel, Jan. 1539; Ind Tischreden, i. 297, 303; iv. 679, ed. Förstemann und Bindseil).

29 v. Oecolampadius’s letter to Servetus (undated, but evidently of October, 1530), from which Servetus’s letter to him, not extant, can be more or less reconstructed. cf. Oecolampadius & Zwingli, Epistolae (Basileae, 1536) (Epistolae doctorun, virorum, etc., ibid 1548); also in Calvin, viii, 857–862; Allwoerden, Servetus, pp. 12-17; Mosheim, Versuch pp. 389–392.

30 “Jam dogmata novan praescribo; facilis tamen sum ad recipieda ea, quae fidei non Contradicunt; officiique nostri censeo eis, quae, sanae doctrinae repugnant, contradicere. Quare audirem eum, qui negat filium coaetaneum vel consubstantialem Patri, nosque interim ut blasphemos reiicientem?” Oecolampadius & Zwingli, Epistolae (Basileae, 1592), p. 865 f. The letter is dated Oct. 25, 1530. cf. Mosheim, Nachrichten, p. 16 f.

31 (H. Bullinger), Ministroresm Tigurinae Ecclesiae ... Apologia (Tiguri, 1575), pp. c3a–c4a. Quoted in Allwoerden, Servetus, p. 10 f; Mosheim, Versuch, p. 17 and in Latin translation in Calvin, viii, 744, n. i.

32 Girolamo Aleandro (Aleander), papal representative with Charles V., speaking of Servetus’s hook on the Trinity, in a letter written from Ratisbon Apr. 17, 1532, says “Erasmo scrisse altre volte in una epistola, che questo Spagnolo ando per communicarli quest’ opera, ma che non gil volle prestar orechie.” cf Hugo Laemmer, Monumenta Vaticana (Friburgi, 1861), p. 109.

33 Calvin, viii, 767. The name is variously given as Rous, Roux, Russ, Rouss, Rousch, Resch, Reich, and Rosch; and Trechsel even says he was called König (Antitrinitarier, I, 304). cf. E. Doumergue, Jean Calvin (Neuilly, 1926), vi, 200.

34 Calvin, ibid.

35 cf. K. Stieff, ‘Johannes Setzer.’ Centralblatt für BibIiothekswesen, ix, 297–3I7, (Leipzig, 1892); also his article in Allg. D. Biog., xxxiv, 49 f.

36 “Secerius gloriatus est, vel hoc nomine eximium librum quia nobis concionatoribus displiciturus sit; quasi seilicet Luthero probetur, qui Marpurgi obiiciebat de nobis tale quid sparsum ease.” cf. Oecolampadius & Zwingli, Epistolae (1536), p. 187; also Oecolampadius to Butzer, July 16, 1531, Calvin, viii, 866.

37 cf. chapters iii, iv, supra.

38 cf. Tollin, “Strassburger kirchliche Zustände zu Anfang der reformationszeit,” Magazin für die Literatur dest Auslandes, xliv (1875), 333–336.

39Butzer to Ambrose Blaurer, Dec. 29, 1531; Calvin, viii, 779, n. 2.

40 cf. Röhrich, Reformation, 1, 346, citing Hedio’s Itinerarium; and 456, quoting Gerbel’s letter to Luther (1527): "Jam enim alas sumsere isti (Sacramentarii) et in secretissima Trinitatis archana penetrarunt: nescio quid de Personis excogitaturi, turbaturi sapientia sua miseram et novarum rerum cupidam plebem." Also in Trechsel, Antitrinitarier, i, 25, n. 2.

41 cf. Calvin, viii, 767.

42 ibid., p. 768.

43 "Michael dilecte.’’ Butzer to Servetus, July 8; Calvin, viii, 869; also in Röhrich, Reformation, ii, 272 1. cf. Gerbert, Sectenbewegung, pp. 114–132.

44 cf. Calvin, viii, 768, 770.

45 "Decuerat me ante editionem libri consulere," Butzcr to Servetus, Calvin, viii, 868. "Nobis insciis liber alibi excusus," Oecolampadius to Butzer, Aug. 5, 1535; ibid., p. 867 f.

46 Sebastian Franck refers to it in his letter of Feb. 4, 1531 to Campanus, above cited, p. 38. Query, whether this date is not too early by several months.

47 A counterfeit edition, often mistaken for the original, though easily distinguished from it, was issued about 1721 at Regensburg. For the origin of it, cf, J. H. Seelen, Selecta Literaria (Lübeck, 1726), pp. 52–54. A Dutch translation by Reinier Telle, Van den Dolinghen in de Drievvldigbeyd, appeared in 1620, the printer of which is said to have been put to death (ef. Paul Henry, Life of Calvin, London, 1849, i, 38 n.). cf. Mosheim, Versush, pp. 310-315, who also mentions an unpublished French translation. English translation, with introduction, life, bibliography and notes, by E. M. Wilbur, (Cambridge, 1932.) The original is extremely rare, and in 1935 was priced (together with the Dialogues) at 1200 francs.

48 cf. van der Linde, Servet, p. 237.

49 Oecolampadias to Butzer, July 18, 1831, Calvin, viii, 866, 769; Oecolampadius to Zwingli, July 20, 1531, Zwing!i, Opera, viii, 625.

50 In his apology for the Confessio Tetrapolitana written at just this time (summer, 1531), Butzer, while accepting the doctrine of the Trinity, took pains to avoid saying anything of it that might occasion controversy; and Ambrose Blaurer praised his prudence in this. cf. Butzer to Blaurer, Dec. 19, 1531; Blaurer to Butzer, Jan. 5 and 24, 1532 Röhrich, Reformation, ii, 83; Gerbert, Sektenbewegung, p. 116.

51 Oecolampadius to Butzer, July 18, 1531, Calvin, viii, 866. cf. also Oecolampadius & Zwingli, Epistolae (1536), p. 187

52 ibid.

53 “Circumfertur libellus Michaelis Serveti de Trinitatis errorsbus terque quaterque blasphemus et impius, juxta meam quidem, h. e. ecclesiasticam, sententiam, tametsi ab Argentoratensibus quibusdam laudetur. Fortassis et isthuc pervenit. Quod si en cares, fac ut sciam, et curabo communicari.” July 20, 1531. cf. Zwingli, Opera, viii, 625.

54 Butzer to Servetus, summer of 1531, Calvin, viii, 868. Röhrich, Reformation, ii, 272.

55 Butzer to Servetus, July 8, 1531, Calvin, viii, 869.

56 For the censors’ adverse report, cf. Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie, xxx (1860), 52.

57 Oecolampadius felt too busy with his commentary on Job to prepare a confutation, much as he was inclined to do so, and urged Butzer to undertake it (cf. Calvin, viii, 866 f). Butzcr’s confutation was not published, but circulated in Ms among the reformers in the Oberland. Tollin found good reasons for believing it to be extant in a Ms bound in with a copy of De Trinitatis erroribus (No. D2 2437) in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris. cf. Tollin, ‘Butzers Confutatio der Libri VII. de trinitatis erroribus’, Theologische Studien und Kritiken, xlviii (1875), 711–736.

58 Butzer to A. Blaurer, Dec. 29 1531, Calvin, viii, 779, n. 2. Cf. Tollin, Servet und Butzer, p. 207.

59 Schwenckfeld admitted having had many conversations with Servetus, and having found something good in his books, though he thought him sorely astray as to the chief articles of the Christian faith, and judged his book on the Trinity to be bös und verdamblich. cf. Karl Ecke, Schwenekfeld, Luther, und der Gedanke einer apostolischen Reformation (Berlin, 1911), p. 210, n.

60 cf. Butzer’s letter to Blaurer cited above.

61 Oct. 3, 1531; cited by Gerbert, Sektenbewegung, p. 120.

62Oct. 4, 1531, ibid.

63 A, Blaurer to Butzer, Dec. 28, 1531, Calvin, viii, 870. cf Gerbert, op. cit., p. 119.

64 Grynaeus to Butzer, Dec. 30, 1531, Calvin, viii, 779, n., 871 f. Oecolampadius had died Nov. 22.

65 “Plurimi apud nos sunt qui eundem Hispanum commendant, ad sidera tollunt, ut qui in materia Trinitatis ipsum scopum et veritatem attigerit et scripserit.” July 5, 1532. Cf. Röhrich, Reformation, ii, 8a f; Gerbert, op. cit., p. 120 f.

66 This on the authority of Calvin, who many years afterwards (Sept. 9, 1553) wrote to Simon Sulzer, chief minister at Basel; "Servetui . . . is est de quo fidelia Christi minister et sanctae memoriae D. Bucerus, quurn alioqui mansueto esset ingenio, pro suggestu pronunciavit dignum esse, qui avulsis visceribus discerperetur"; Caivin, xiv, 614, Röhrich and Tollin doubt this, as being inconsistent with Butzer’s kindly attitude to Servetus at the time; but under exasperation one sometimes acts inconsistently with his normal habit.

67 Oecolampadius to Butzer, July 18, 1531, Calvin, viii, 866. Servetus’s books were also suppressed at Ulm; Nov. 14, 1538; Ulmer Religionsprotokollen, 1537–1545, A 245, fol. 51b, 52a.

68 cf his report to the Council, Calvin, viii, 863–865. Contemporary Latin translation from the original German, Oecolampadius & Zwingli, Epistolae (1536), p. 18a; (1592), p. 831 also in Mosheim, Versuch, pp. 394–396.

69 Oecolampadius to Butzer, Aug. 5, 1551, Calvin, viii, 867.

70 As he bad done, De Trinitatis erroribus, p. 82b.

71 Servetus to Oecolampadius, Calvin, viii, 861 f.; Fueslin, Epistolae, p. 77 f.

72 “Die Bucher wär gut das sy eintweder gantz undertruckt wurden, oder gelesen von denen die sich der nit miszbruchten. Wo der so jrsälig gscbribben mit gschrifften sin jrsal bckante und widerfechte, wär jm als einem menschen, sin fall nit so hoch zuschetzen,” Calvin, viii, 865. cf. Latin version in Mosheim, Versuch, p. 394.

73 It was perhaps the last work to issue from Setzer’s press for he died suddenly at the beginning of February. Bullinger regarded his death as a divine retribution upon the wicked and blasphemous printer. cf. his anonymous Ministrorum Tigurinae ecclesiae. . . apologia, p. c4a; Stieff, Setzer, p. 313.

74 Dialogorum de Trinitate libri duo. Be justicia regni Christi, capitula quatuor.

75 cf. Tollin, ‘Michael Servets Dialoge von der Dreieinigkeit,’ Theologische Studien und Kritiken, i(1877), 301-318.

76 March 16, 1532 "Michael Hispanum ferunt Apologiam priori libello dedisse plenam monstrorum ac errorum, quibus ubi tu, qui triados mysteria ex fomite hausisti, non occurres, non solum incommodabis Ecclesiam, sed te quoque suspectum reddes qui vel consentias vel conniveas." Quoted by Röhrich, Reformation, ii, 82, n.

77 Melanchthon to Camerarius, Feb. 9, 1533, Opera, ii, 630.

78 "Servetum multum lego." Melanchthon to Camerarius, March 15, 1533, Opera, ii, 640.

79 Melanchthon to Brentius, July, 1533, Opera, ii, 660 f.

80 Melanchthon, Loci, pp. 102–105.

81 cf. Tollin, Ph. Melanchthon und M. Servet, (Berlin, 1876), especially chaps. iv.–vi. for detailed evidence.

82 “Est et hoc sciendum de fide ac notitia voluntatis Dei, quod non satis est opinionem aliquam in animo circumferre, sed contra habere certam et firmam sententiam de articulis fidei ex scripturis. Nam dubitatio parit impietatem ac desperationem.” Opera, xxi, 255.

83 In the next chapter it will be seen more at length how widely such views spread in northern Italy.

84 Melanchthon, Opera, iii, 745-750. Melanchthon subsequently denied being author of the letter, though approving of its message. v. infra, p. 79.

85 v. supra, p. 56, n. 28, fin. Cf. Luther, Opera, ed. Walch, xxii, 377, 2367.

86 ci. letter of Paolo Gaddi of Cremona to Calvin, July 23, 1553. “Multas inter eundum Italiae civitates invisi . . . multa ibi haeresum genera vigere sensi . . . sed quae inter omnes maxime viget, est superbissimi diabolicique Serveti opinio, quam ut scriptis impugnes multi te obsecrant fideles," Calvin, xiv, 577. "Multos esse in Italia tabe ista infectos . . . In Italis forte propter rarum acumen magis eminet . . . Hoc quum fidi et idonei testes quibusdam suis popularibus contigisse retulerint . . . quosdam scio cx diametro inter Se dissidere, qui se tamen Serveti discipulos esse profitentur,” id. op. viii, 459. Guillaume Postell also Wrote in 1555 that Servetus had many followers in Italy. cf. Mosheim, Versuch, p. 474.

87 cf. Gratarolo to Bullinger, Dec. 59, 1553, Jan. 5 1554, Calvin, xiv, 707; xv, 3.

88 cf. Johannes Cochlaeus, Historia . . . de actis et scriptis Martini Lutheri (Coloniae, 1768), pp. 232-234; Laurentius, Surius, Commentarius brevi,, etc. (Coloniae, 1602), p. 223; Tollin, Verfasser, pp. 459-429.

89 Letter of Aleander to Sanga, Ratisbon, April 17, 1532, in Laemmer, Monumenta, p. 109. “Al presente lui ha mandato il libro al Vescovo di Augusta.” It is not clear from this whether the book was sent by Quintana or by Servetus, though the former would seem the more likely. Nor is it certain that Augusta is not meant as an abbreviated form of Caesaraugusta (Saragossa), though Servetus was not of that diocese.

90 cf. Laemmer, loc. cit.

91 cf. Bulletin tie Ia Société de l’histoire du Protestantisme Français, liii (Mar.–Apr. 1904), 103.

92 For the documented story of this interesting episode, but recently brought to light, cf. Marcel Bataillon, “Honneur et Inquisition: Michel Servet poursuivi par l’lnquistion espagnole” Bulletin Hispanique, t. xxviii. (Bordeaux, Jan–Mar., 1925).

93 cf. Trechsel, Antitrinitarier, i, 55–59; id., “War Servet bei Luther in Wittenberg?” Theologische Studien und Kritiken, liv (1881), 669–684; J. G. Schelhorn, Dissertatio epistolaris de Mino, Celso, etc. (Ulmae, 1748), pp. 73–77; Dunin Borkowski, Quellenstudien, i, 116 f.

94 cf. Haller to Bullinger, May 7, 1534, (A. L. Herminjard, Correspondance des Réformateurs, Genève, 1870, iii, 172-174), also in Fueslin, Epistolae, p. 139, f.

95 cf. Johann Zwick to Vadian, Aug. 23, 1534 (Herminjard, op. cit., iii, 173); J. H. Hottinger, Bibliotheca Tigurina (Zurich, 1664), p. 77; Frecht to Blaurer, Aug. 28, 1534 (Museum Helveticum, pars xxviii, 672, 676).

96 Utriusque in Christo naturae, Zürich, Oct. 1534.

97 cf. Melinchthon to Veit Dietrich, Aug. 5, 1537, Melanchthon, Opera, iii, 400. J. K. F. Knaake in Theologische Studien und Kritiken, liv (1881), 320.

98Melanchthon to Dietrich, ut supra.

99 cf. Herminjard, op. cit., iv, 196 f, 200, 235.

100 “Causa haec tua est. . . quae mihi adolescentulo annos vix nato viginti, impulso quodam divino tractandum sese obtulit . . . Testem te iterum invoco Deum ob eam rem me distulisse, et ob imminentem persecutionem, ut cum Jona in mare fugere potius cuperem, aut in insulam aliquam novam.” The passage (lacking in the printed text) is on p. 3 of a Ms copy of what is apparently a first draft of the proemium of his Christianismi Restitutio, which is bound in with the copy at Edinburgh. cf. Alexander Gordon, "Servetus and America," Christian Life, Ii. 360, Oct. 24, 1925; David Cuthbertson, A Tragedy of the Reformation (Edinburgh, 1912).

101 cf. Calvin, viii, 767.

102 Materna lingua tanquam faciliore plurima urbium vocabula explicuimus: ut Germanis Germanice, etc., quorum omnium linguas utcunque novimus. Preface to Ptolemy, 1535

103 At Geneva he testified, ‘De Agnouw el sen retournit a Basle, de Basle a Lyon," Calvin, viii, 767.

104 cf. Frecht to Capito, Oct. 31, 1538. Non ignoras ut sanctae memoriae Oecolampadius illum Michaelem Serveto confutarit. De quo olim accepi illum impietatis suae poenas meritas dedisse. Nunc furiosum in catenis misere obiisse istuc an sit certum cuperem ex tua humanitate cognoscere." Calvin, xxi, 238; cf. X, ii, 289. Tollin in Jahrbücher für protestantische Theologie, xvii (1891), 428, n; iii (1877), 642, n.

Click here to open the frame set built to read this document. 

This page was last modified Sunday 12 November 2006.
Website ©1998–2006 Rev. Dr. Alicia McNary Forsey. Text ©1998–2004 t
he heirs of Earl Morse Wilbur.  All rights reserved.
For comments or requests write to { webweaver at pacificuu dot org }.